AfD stays the course amid Petry-Pretzell “realpolitic” split

By Carolyn Yeager

FAR FEWER DEMONSTRATORS AGAINST THE AFD PARTY CONGRESS’ 2-day meeting in Cologne actually showed up than the 50,000 claimed to be expected. Only 8 to 10,000 filled the streets, which were easily controlled by the 4,000 well-prepared police on hand, even though two police officers were injured and a police car was set ablaze before things calmed down. Hateful comments from Church leaders brought push back from AfD co-chairman Frauke Petry in her speech on Saturday against their “ugly, deprecating and polarizing remarks.” (See more on that below)

From the outside, the Congress moved along very smoothly, electing as their lead candidates in the Federal election in September two top vote-getters: Alexander Gauland from Berlin and economist Alice Wiedel from Baden-Wurttemberg.


The main disagreement came early on Saturday when the delegates refused to tc onsider the motion put forward by co-Chairman Mrs. Petry to set her party on a more moderate course that would enable it to become part of governing coalitions. This was rejected by the majority, led by Alexander Gauland and co-Chairman Jörg Meuthen. Meuthen got a standing ovation when he said in his prepared remarks to the gathering that the AfD would never form an alliance with those like Merkel, Social Democrat leader Martin Schulz or the Greens, whose pro-migrant stances were wrecking Germany.

Unless Germany switches gears very soon, it will “with mathematical certainty turn into a Muslim country.” Meuthen said Germans in his hometown were now “few and far between.” He likened the country to the Titanic.

“Everybody is still in good spirits and there’s a relaxed party mood above and below deck but it’s almost impossible for the huge ship to make the necessary change in direction anymore. People can’t or don’t want to imagine a collision with an iceberg but it’s already unavoidable.”

By contrast, Petry said a “lack of strategy” was behind the “internal strife” the party had been plagued with … strife that was played down by both Meuthen and Gauland. She was adamant that the party made a “mistake” in refusing to discuss her motion on its future direction (to moderate its tone to make it more palatable to a broader slice of the German electorate), and said at the conclusion on Sunday afternoon that “The party is not yet ready, you have to give it time. It will recognize in the coming months that certain decisions need to be taken. I have a responsibility to the party that elected me two years ago, and I will continue to fill that,” she said.

Petry-Pretzell now a ‘faction’ hardening against the right?

Digging in their heels, Marcus Pretzell, state party chairman for North RhineWestphalia, announced on Sunday that he intends to take a different course than the federal party. “In North Rhine-Westphalia, we are pursuing a different, more realpolitical course than the federal party – both in personnel and content,” he told the TV station Phoenix. Pretzell and Petry were married in December 2016 and are expecting a baby this summer.

So it is clear that the Petry-Pretzell faction will continue to try to moderate the party, including the removal of member Björn Höcke, and others like him, who have strong followings of passionate supporters.

Published in: on April 24, 2017 at 1:00 am  Leave a Comment  

Today’ Gallery





Published in: on April 24, 2017 at 12:53 am  Leave a Comment  

To Be German Is to Be Strong


by Gertrud Scholtz-Klink

German women of all classes and organizations stand before the Führer at the beginning of the new year and thank him for preserving the life of our people, and for helping it to find itself again. We have done our best to do our part in helping our people to “find itself again,” and in making that real to all our women and girls. What we did not accomplish in past years will be done in the future. This we believe more than ever before, since despite all the difficulties we faced in the past year, it was a year that uniquely tested our strength, which therefore grew.

The men and women of this people, in their hundreds and thousands out there in local groups and counties, know that these strengths that were so desperately needed could grow within them because the Führer believed in the goodness and strength within them. Therefore, as his followers it is our greatest task to awaken and strengthen this faith in those we are responsible for, and to transform it into action.

This inner command is equally binding for man and woman, for the blue collar and white collar workers of our people.

The National Socialist movement sees the man and the woman as equal bearers of Germany’s future. It asks, however, for more than in the past: that each should first completely accomplish the tasks that are appropriate to his or her nature.

The woman, besides caring for her own children, should first care for those who need her help as mothers of the nation.

This primarily involves thinking about family law and supporting families, youth legislation, and protecting the youth. It also requires thinking about the occupational paths that female youth will follow in the coming years, since some men and women are still unemployed, and some changes in women’s work will therefore be needed. Given our relations with each other, we affirm these temporary measures because we have firm faith that we have the strength to overcome the many present difficulties that our people faces. Our love for our people, however, will never allow these temporary difficulties to cause conflicts only for the sake of conflict, or that they be interpreted by sensation-hungry individuals as a failure of the National Socialist worldview.

We are always being asked if we see everything that has to be done in the area of women’s work. We can only say that each has the right and the opportunity to work with us and to follow the path leading to the resurrection of our people. However, we must sense love and concern, we must see that he comes to us because of a love for his people. Empty intellectual thinking or a superiority complex have never saved a people.

This love should teach us all in the new year to listen even better to life around us, and to do our duties in the place we stand in a way that will make clear its deepest meaning: to become true to our calling as Germans!

Women, I wish to try briefly to make clear what the deepest calling we women have is: motherhood. In the bad fourteen years between 1918 and 1933, motherhood was often robbed of its deepest meaning and reduced to something superficial, something that was even held in contempt. Instead of a child being seen as the deepest affirmation of the woman and of life, it was seen as a burden, as a sacrifice on the part of the woman. A child was often seen not as a great link to God as the creator of all life, before whom we must bow with folded hands and trembling hearts, but rather very often as the result of a weak mind and as an escape from the great events of life.

Many women were superficially mothers, but they had forgotten to subordinate themselves to the law of life, which sees the affirmation of a child as the answer of the woman to her people, and also her contribution to the right of her people to survive.

Transforming the calling of motherhood to the job of motherhood left children joyless, unhappy, without strength or soul. Devilish forces under the leadership of Marxism attempted to lead German women along this path.

It is therefore our task to awaken once again the sense of the divine, to make the calling to motherhood the way through which the German woman will see her calling to be mother of the nation. She will then not live her life selfishly, but rather in service to her people.

We know and believe that all German women will accept this calling over time if we clear the rubble left by a mistaken age. More and more faithful helpers will join our ranks, working cheerfully and strongly as we have done in the past. Not only those women with children will become mothers of the nation, but rather each German woman and each girl will become one of the Führer’s little helpers wherever she is, be it in the labor service, in a factory, at a university or in a hospital, at home or on the high seas.

We have established a chain of helping hands that will grow ever stronger, because that is what our love for our people requires!

We have women who served their people during the Great War, and proved that they placed their people above themselves. Often, they were the first who continued their service in the N.S. movement. They are joined by younger women who came to this movement because they affirmed the life of the nation. They did not ask what would happen. Instead, they were there where they were needed.

For us women, to be German meant, and still means, always to be strong.

Only she can be strong who knows sorrow and deprivation. Overcoming oneself, and life, leads to strength. And that also leads to clarity. Since many Germans must still learn to understand this, all of our efforts will also involve struggle, struggle with each other. In all this, however, we must be strong and cheerful people.

We enter the new year as Germans. That means we want to be alert and untiring, because we want to support each other in everything our nation faces. We do not want to compromise from weakness, but be comrades one to another who can demand the utmost of each other, because we are willing to give it ourselves. Then the work of German men and women will together form the self-aware and proud Germans that we need, since our people must live!

With this will, we all return to work!


Gertrud Scholtz-Klink was born in Adelsheim, Germany on 9th February, 1902. After leaving school she worked as a nurse in Berlin. She married a postal worker at the age of eighteen. Both of them joined the National Socialist German Workers Party (NSDAP) and he died of a heart-attack at a NSDAP Rally.

In 1929 Scholtz-Klink, became leader of the women’s section in Baden. She was a fine orator and became deputy leader of the National Socialist Frauenschaft. Louis L. Snyder described her as “an able, energetic worker and the mother of four children… and was active in labour organizations.”

Published in: on April 24, 2017 at 12:41 am  Leave a Comment  

Germany and the Jewish Question Part 3


Jews in German Economic Life

Jewish penetration into German economic life was still more pronounced. In strict accordance with the objectives referred to in the previous chapter, trade and commerce were the principle spheres in which Jews centred their attention. Their peak activity in this respect, be it noted, was reached during the currency inflation from 1919 to 1923. In that particular period very little material benefit accrued to anyone engaged in productive and strenuous work. An instinct for speculation and commercial shrewdness was the ruling factor in those days. It is no wonder therefore that Jewish business concerns sprang up like mushrooms over­ night in that period. We need only recall such well-known Jewish names as Jakob Michael, Richard Kahn and Jacob Shapiro or the corrupt business concerns associated with the Austrian Jewish speculators, Siegfried Bosel and Castiglioni, two names that became notorious far beyond Germany’s frontiers. At huge cost to the national budget all these concerns finally collapsed when German currency was stabilized.

In 1931, Dr. Alfred Marcus, the Jewish statistician previously referred to, carefully examined Jewish participation in individual branches of German trade in his book Die wirtschaftliche Krise des deutschen Juden, — The Economic Crisis of German Jews. — His investigations led to the following remarkable results:

In 1930, 346 or 57.3 % of the total of 603 firms in the metal trades were in Jewish hands; in scrap-metal there were 514 firms of which 211 or 41 % were Jews; grain merchants totalled 6,809 of which 1,543 or 22. % were Jews; textile wholesalers numbered 9,984 of which 3,938 or 39,4 % were Jews; in the ladies dress branch there were 81 Jewish firms out of a total of 133, or 60.9 %. In the art and booksellers trades, both of which possess an extremely cultural value, many of the most important firms were Jewish. We need only mention S. Fischer, Cassirer, Flechtheim, Ullstein and Springer.

Still more important is the financial or banking business. Here well-nigh every leading business was in the hands of Jews. A few individual instances can be quoted. Both the governing directors of the Deutsche Bank und Discontogesellschaft (1929) and four of its twelve board members were Jews. The chairman, two vice-chairmen and three of the five governing members of the board of the Darmstädter und Nationalbank were Jews. The chairman, vice-chairman and three of the seven members of the governing board of the Dresdner Bank (1928) were Jews. Finally, everyone of the three owners of the Berliner Handelsgesellschaft were also Jews.

The big private banks were also nearly all in Jewish hands. We need only recall such well-known firms as Arnhold, Behrens, Warburg, Bleichröder, Mendelsohn, Goldschmidt, Rothschild, Dreyfuss, Bondi and Maron, Aufhäuser, Oppenheim, Levy, Speyer-Ellissen, Heimann, Stern.

By means of these key positions in the financial world Jewish influence penetrated by way of the boards of directors to every section of German industry. The Adress Buch der Direktoren und Aufsichtsräte — A Guide to Company Directors & Boards of Management — published in 1930, i. e. long before the National-Socialists assumed power — proves the alarming influence of Jewish capital or capital controlled by Jews on German economic life.

Outstanding among Jewish financiers in this respect was Jacob Goldschmidt, a member of the boards of no less than 115 companies. He was closely followed by Louis Hagen, a Jewish banker, with 62 appointments. Third on the list was a Christian lawyer, followed successively by four Jewish bankers who together held 166 positions on the boards of various companies. Further down this list Jews continued to play a very prominent role.

This concentration of business-company authority in the hands of a small group of Jewish financiers was certainly not compatible with a conscientious fulfilment of the exacting duties of a company director. On the other hand no effort or work was necessary in producing extraordinary handsome returns. This was one of the most important factors that led to discrediting the political and economic systems of that period, and also formed one of the causes which led to a widespread growth of anti-Semitism among the broad masses in Germany.

The domination of German industry by a system of Jewish boards of business directors certainly went hand in hand with direct Jewish penetration and subsequent control of industrial production. The complicated nature of this vast field and its complex structure makes it possible to give only a few illustrations which, however, by no means exhaust the real extent of Jewish expansion.

In the electrical branch for example, mention must be made of the AEG, — the German General Electric Company. This company was established by the Jew Emil Rathenau and after the Great War, was controlled by two Jews. The whole of the metal market was controlled by the Jew Merton, head of the Frankfurt Metal Bank. The Osram Company, the leading electric globe concern, was controlled by Meinhardt, a Jew. The Continental Rubber Company in Hannover, Germany’s largest productive plant, and the Calmon Rubber Company at Hamburg were established and controlled by Jews. Adler, Oppenheim, Salamander and Conrad Tack & Co., four Jewish firms, dominated the entire German leather industry. The iron market was controlled by the Jew Ottmar Strauss, Hugo Herzfeld, a Jew, exercised a decided influence in the potash industry. In the mining industry section, Paul Silverberg dominated the Rhenish lignite or brown coal industry whilst two co-religionists, the Petschek brothers had a similar function in the Central German lignite district.

Jewish participation was also extraordinarily large in industrial organisations and in official organs of German economic life. This influence was particularly pronounced in the Chambers of Commerce and Industry. To quote one example: The Berlin Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the largest of its kind in Germany, had 98 members in 1931 of which no less than 50 were Jews or half-caste Jews. Four­ hundred of the 1,300 members attached to the Chamber as advisory experts were Jews, whilst 131 of the 209 commercial judges appointed by the Chamber were also Jews. The Chamber itself was presided over by a President and five vice-presidents. The president himself and three of his deputies were Jews.

The position was far worse on the exchanges. We need do no more than give the Berlin Exchange, the most important one in Germany, as an example. Twenty-five of the 36 committee members of the Securities and Bonds Exchange were Jews, twelve of the 16 committee members of the Produce Exchange were Jews and ten of the 12 committee members of the Metal Exchange were also Jews. The committee of the whole Exchange was composed of 70 members of whom 45 were Jews. Attendance at the Exchange was also more or less a Jewish monopoly. In 1930 for example, the attendance at the Securities and Bonds Exchange totalled 1,474 of which number approximately 1,200 were Jews. The Produce Exchange had an attendance of 578 of which 520 were Jews, and at the Metal Exchange out of an attendance of 89 there were 80 Jews.

It is obvious that the Reichsbank, the official bank for the issue of paper money, was in no position to resist perma­nently this well-nigh Jewish monopoly of capital and economic interests. The result was that in the period between 1925 and 1929 four of the six members of the controlling board of Reichsbank directors were Jews or half-caste Jews. All three members of the Central Council of the Reichsbank and two of their deputies were Jews.

It is necessary now to supplement the aforementioned quantitative analysis of Jewish participation in German economic life by a qualitative one in which the following facts must be borne in mind:

When compiling the aforementioned statistics in regard to certain professions in the various German states since 1925 it was ascertained that in Prussia, the largest state, out of a total of approximately 3 million employed in the professions — either independently or in leading capacities — approximately 92,000 were orthodox Jews. This means that 48 % of all Jews professionally employed held leading positions, whereas the corresponding ratio for the remainder of the population amounted to only 16 %.

If we compare this with the Jewish share in the non­ independent manual work branch, then the whole abnormal social structure of Jewry stands revealed in its true light: Whereas Prussia in 1925 employed approximately 8.5 million ordinary workers (i. e. 46,9 % of the sum total of all in employment). Jews totalled only 16,000 i.e. (8.4 % of all Jews in employment). The percentage of Jews (which in the leading positions was three times greater than that of the whole population) dropped therefore in the manual trades to one­ sixth of the figure for the rest of the population, and for all practical purposes had reached zero.

This supplementary qualitative assessment makes it perfectly plain that prior to the National-Socialist regime the whole of German economic life had reached that alarming stage where it was under foreign domination by Jews and principally by Jews in leading key positions.

It is not surprising that this powerful domination of German economic life should express itself in abnormally high incomes for members of the Jewish community. It is difficult of course to give accurate figures in this respect. We will, however, limit ourselves to the statistics furnished us by the Jewish statistician, Dr. Alfred Marcus, to whom reference has already been made. Marcus estimates the average Jewish income for 1930 as 3.2 times greater than the average income of the rest of the population.

Summarizing the aforementioned particulars, it must be emphasized once more that the Jews concentrated themselves exclusively on commercial and financial undertakings and assumed therein absolute leading positions. Agriculture and other manual work were severely left alone. Abnormal concentration of Jews in large cities, particularly in Berlin, must not be forgotten.

It does not require much intelligence to realize that such an abnormal social and regional structure must ultimately lead to a state of severe tension, if not to serious disturbances in public life. This would have taken place in any case even if the Jews had wisely adapted themselves to the requirements of the country which was giving them shelter. These tensions had to lead to an explosion one day if Jewry, blinded by the lustre of its fortunes continued to exercise no restraint in displaying its foreign racial characteristics. But nowhere have Jews been more downright unrestrained than during the era of economic and political corruption which Germany experienced after the Great War.

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Germany and the Jewish Question Part 2


1. Population and the Social Structure of German Jews

It is essential, in the first place, to get an accurate picture of the numerical significance of German Jews in those days, as well as their regional distribution within the Reich and their social structure.

The result of the census in 1925 — the last to be held before National-Socialism took over power — showed that out of a total population of 62.5 millions there were 546,379 professing the Jewish faith. In other words, this was just less than 1 % of the total population.

It must be noted however that this statistic merely embraced those Jews professing Jewish faith and not those who were Jews by blood and race but who for some reason or another had accepted a Christian faith. No method whatsoever existed for compiling statistics in respect of this latter category. All that one could do was to set up a statistic for those who were orthodox Jews. Only in recent times the authorities in Germany have set themselves the task of ascertaining how far Jewish blood has penetrated into the German race. These investigations have not yet been concluded; they involve a vast amount of detail work. Hence all statistics that follow are necessarily still based on the figures for orthodox Jewry.

In spite of this we have at our disposal some very reliable research data by the Jews themselves. We refer in this connexion to the works of Heinrich Silbergleit Die Bevölkerungsverhältnisse der Juden im Deutschen Reich — The Jewish Population Problem in the German Reich — (Berlin 1931). By basing our statistics to a large extent on these research figures, we are placing ourselves beyond criticism as prejudiced anti-Semitics.

We have shown that the total percentage of German confessional Jews in 1925 was just below 1%, to be exact, 0.90 %. But this did not mean that the regional distribution within the Reich was on the same scale. Whereas the purely rural districts of Mecklenburg, Oldenburg, Thuringia or Anhalt possessed only a very sparse Jewish population (0.16 to 0.32 %), the majority of Jews were heavily concentrated in the large urban areas, particularly in Prussia, Hamburg or Hessen (1.05 to 1.72 %). In Prussia, the largest of the German federal states, the census showed that nearly 73 % of the total number of Jews were concentrated in the large cities with a population of more than 100,000 — whereas the corresponding ratio for the non-Jewish population reached barely 30 %.

A comparison with the results of the various census since 1871 shows that the status of Jews in the rural districts of Germany has consistently decreased, whereas all urban districts have shown a constant increase.

This can be ascribed to a veritable and phenomenal domestic migration of German Jews within the last 50 years towards the large urban areas. The main reason for this migration is to be found in the rapidly increasing Jewish emancipation in those days consequent upon a German victory in the Franco-Prussian war.

One of the main objectives of this Jewish migration was Berlin, the capital of the Reich, where the number of Jews had become trebled between 1871 and 1910, (36,000–90,000). In this metropolis, the centre of national, political and cultural activity, Jews bad established their headquarters. Here they were able to develop unhampered their own peculiar racial characteristics.

The 1925 census returns for Berlin showed that there were 172,500 Jews or 4.25 % out of a total population of approximately 4 millions. This percentage is four times greater than the percentage of Jews in the whole German population. Berlin, the capital of Prussia, the largest of the federal states, therefore possessed 42 % of the 400,000 Prussian Jews.

Twenty-five percent of these 172,500 Berlin Jews were aliens. This fact alone illustrates clearly the total lack of Jewish affinity for national ties and national sentiment. Nearly one-quarter or 18.5 % of the 400,000 Jews in Prussia possessed foreign nationality.

To be able to appreciate the true significance of these figures, one must bear in mind that Jewry in the large cities was able to attain such numerical significance despite the fact that it was subject to a number of restrictive factors. These could only be made good by a constant immigration from the East, particularly during and after the Great War. It is this Eastern immigration of low-class, mean and morally unscrupulous Jews which has given the German Jewish problem its particular harsh note.

Another aspect of Jewish life is the comparative infertility of Jewish marriages when compared with the rest of the population; further, the evident and constantly increasing tendency to contract marriage with Christians.

Statistics in regard to cross-marriages in Germany reveal the fact that between 1923 and 1932, two male Jews out of every three married Jewesses, — the third marrying a Christian. The statistics in regard to Jewesses were hardly less. In 1926 there were 64 cross-marriages for every hundred purely Jewish marriages, in other words, there were two cross-marriages for every three Jewish ones. At the same period in Germany as a whole, there were 50 cross-marriages against 100 purely Jewish ones, that is, two Jewish marriages to one cross-marriage.

It is self-evident that the complete one-sided distribution of German Jews and their systematic migration to, and concentration in, the large urban areas was an unsound policy and disastrous not only for the Jews but also for the national life of Germany.

But the structure of professional life also suffered from this morbid one-sidedness. Here statistics show that Jewry was a tree without roots, without any anchorage whatsoever in social life. This abnormal social composition was responsible for the fact that the Jews exclusively preferred the commercial professions and steered clear of all manual work.

These facts can be checked by the results of the trades records established in the various German federal states in 1925. In Prussia, Württemberg and Hessen, these census gave the following results in regard to the percentage of Jews employed in the various groups:

Profession Preussia Würtemberg Hessen
Trade and traffic 58,8% 64,6% 69%
Industry 25,8% 24,6% 22%
Agriculture 1,7% 1,8% 4%

It is often asserted that external pressure, political and social considerations, as well as ghetto and boycott have squeezed the Jews out of handicraft trades and forced them into commercial spheres. Here however we must reply by stating that in rural districts, particularly in the former province of Posen and in Hessen-Nassau, the Jews had every opportunity of working as farmers or craftsmen. There were certainly no restrictions placed on them. But they preferred to deal in cattle, corn or fertilizers and especially in money which brought them rich reward.

Felix A. Theilhaber, the well-known Jewish economist, reporting his observations on the causes of Jewish disintegration in Der Untergang der deutschen Juden — The Decline and Fall of Germany Jewry — (Berlin 1921), confirms the fact that so-called primitive production is not in keeping with Jewish characteristics. He admits, primarily, that racial talents force the Jews into the so-called business professions as they are more easily able to guarantee commercial success and material security. Theilhaber finally arrives at the following conclusion:

“Agriculture has little material attraction for German Jews. … Racial instincts, traditions and economic pre­ conditions compel them to choose other professions. .. Hence it is natural that certain types dominate in German Jewry, for example, clothiers, agents, lawyers and doctors. Jewish characteristics and peculiarities are also evident in other branches (departmental stores, furs, tobacco and even the press). One peculiar Jewish feature is the craving for individualism, the urge to become independent and wealthy.”

Among the intellectual professions named by this Jewish author, that of medicine and law were the two most attractive. They were the professions that offered most material gain. Jewish influence in these professions was therefore most marked and finally assumed a dominating character.

In 1932 there were approximately 50,000 German medical practitioners of which 6,488, — 13% — were Jews. That is to say, a figure ten times greater than that to which they were entitled on the basis of population ratio. It is noteworthy to mention in this connexion that the majority of these Jewish doctors classed themselves as specialists in venereal diseases.

In Berlin, the capital of the Reich, the percentage of Jewish doctors was still greater. The figure was 42 % and 52 % for the panel doctors. In the leading Berlin hospitals 45 % of all the doctors were Jews.

An abnormal and disproportionate state of affairs also existed in the legal professions as compared with the population ratio. In 1933 there were 11,795 lawyers practising in Prussia of which 3,350 or nearly 30 % were Jews; 2,051 or 33 % of the total number of 6,236 public notaries were Jews. In Berlin itself the percentage was much higher, — bordering between 48 % and 56 %.

Further consideration must be given to the fact that the administration of justice was chiefly in the hands of orthodox Jews. The position was similar in regard to the professor­ships at various leading German universities. The table below furnishes the statistics of three of these universities in 1931. Not only the law and medical faculties are quoted but the philosophical as well in order to show the abnormal Jewish penetration:

Faculty Berlin Breslau Frankfurt a. M.
Law Out of 44 lecturers, 15 Jews = 34 % Out of 23 lecturers, 6 Jews = 26 % Jewish lecturers 33 %
Medicine Out of 265 lecturers, 118 = 43 % Out of 101 lecturers, 43 Jews = 43 % Jewish lecturers 28 %
Philosophy Out of 268 lecturers, 85 Jews = 31 % Out of 107 lecturers, 26 Jews = 25 % Jewish lecturers 32 %

Two of the most important phases of public life viz. law and public health were thus in danger of coming under complete Jewish control.

Chapter 2 Tomorrow

Published in: on April 22, 2017 at 2:45 am  Leave a Comment  

The Outrageous Case of Matt Hale


• Government feared growing influence, popularity of pro-white activist, so they set him up.

By the Staff at AFP —

The political railroading of Reverend Matthew F. “Matt” Hale constitutes, quite clearly, one of the most outrageous offenses against constitutional principles and the civil liberties guaranteed Americans by our founding fathers. Hale’s case is one American citizens concerned with police state tyranny need to know about.

The former leader of the avowedly pro-White and anti-Jewish World Church of the Creator—founded by the late Ben Klassen in 1973—Hale, an accomplished classical violinist and prolific writer and public intellectual, received a law degree from the Southern Illinois University School of Law in 1998. In 1999, Hale became an international celebrity of sorts when the state of Illinois refused to grant him a license to practice law on the basis of his political, racial and religious beliefs.

Speaking across the country from 2000 to 2002—often the subject of heated media coverage—Hale became widely known for his unswerving advocacy of preserving white civilization. Featured, among other places, on the “Today” show and “Good Morning America,” Hale was such an articulate voice for his cause that hate groups such as the Anti-Defamation League and the Southern Poverty Law Center attacked him repeatedly and targeted him for destruction.


As a consequence—perhaps to no one’s surprise—on January 8, 2003, Hale was arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and charged by the United States Department of Justice (DoJ) with allegedly having solicited the murder of Chicago-based federal judge Joan Lefkow during the time Judge Lefkow was hearing an ongoing civil lawsuit in which Hale’s church had been accused of having infringed upon another church’s trademark.

Most remarkable about Hale’s subsequent criminal trial (a classic study of the DoJ run amok) is that there was no evidence whatsoever of Hale’s guilt. Although accused of supposedly having solicited Tony Evola—a government informant posing as a supporter of Hale—to kill Judge Lefkow, no evidence was produced that this ever happened.

Hale neither asked Evola to commit murder, told him to commit murder or even implied he wanted Evola to commit murder. Instead, it was Evola—not Hale—who urged the judge be killed and Evola who solicited Hale to join his own professed plans. The only person who talked about killing anybody was Evola who was being paid thousands of taxpayers’ dollars for his efforts.

Not only did Hale not “solicit” the judge’s assassination but it is also an incontestable fact that he repeatedly rejected Evola’s suggestions.

Suffice it to say, however, many believed Hale’s conviction was almost assured, not because any evidence suggested he was guilty (which it did not) but precisely because many of the jurors (for personal racial and religious reasons) were already clearly inclined to be opposed to Hale because of his well-known political views.

On April 26, 2004, Hale was convicted on the fabricated charge and subsequently sentenced to 40 years in prison.

Thus, Hale’s is yet another case in which federal law enforcement concocted a non-existent crime to imprison an innocent man, determined to silence him for political and ideological reasons.

Hale has now been imprisoned for over 11 years, time spent entirely in solitary confinement. The wrong done to him is an atrocious injustice, and while there have been many in the history of American jurisprudence, the attack on Hale was clearly politically motivated.

Matt Hale flag roman salute

Several appeals of his conviction have been filed but all have been denied by judges who refuse to rule in favor of a reputed “white supremacist” and critic of Jewish power: The judges will not—or can not—acknowledge a person such as Hale can be innocent, regardless of the facts.

The judges have gone so far as to even lie about the facts of the Hale case in order to deny his appeals. Some observers have suggested that not since the days of the Soviet Union’s famous show trials have such sham legal proceedings been so vividly demonstrated. And that is saying much considering many of the political railroad jobs seen in recent years in American courts.

Outraged by Hale’s treatment, outspoken American nationalist William A. “Bill” White vocally supported Hale on his own website and, likely as a consequence, was himself targeted by the authorities and charged with “soliciting” the murder of one of the jurors in the Hale case—an echo of the original trumped-up charge against Hale. The government clearly figured that since a phony charge of this type had worked in Hale’s case, it might work again—and it did: White is himself now sitting in prison.

Despite everything, Hale won’t give up. In many respects, he is precisely what the controlled media monopoly falsely claimed about the terrorist Nelson Mandela: a man of peace with great love for his people who has endured years in solitary confinement at the hands of an oppressive government.

Those who value the traditional American concept of liberty—as opposed to criminal tyranny—should rally behind Hale’s bid for freedom. He will soon be filing another motion for his release.

There is a fund raiser happening now where every 5.00 donation gets you a raffle ticket for a flag and 2 “FREE MATT HALE” T-shirt.

go to link below and make a donation today.

Since this broadcast aired Matt has been transferred and can be written with your words of support.

Rev. Matt Hale 15177-424
U.S. Penitentiary MAX
PO Box 8500
Florence, Colorado 81226

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Germany and the Jewish Question Part 1


The Jewish problem in Germany

By Dr Friedrich Karl Wiehe
Published in Berlin, 1938


“I was a Jew before I was an American. I have been an American all of my life, 64 years. But I have been a Jew for 4.000 years.”

– Rabbi Wise in a speech in Cleveland in June 1938.

Ever since the day when the National-Socialists came into power in Germany, thereby placing the solution of the Jewish problem in the forefront of German politics, public opinion the world over has become increasingly interested in that problem. . . .

Germany’s attitude towards the Jewish question can be rightly understood only if we consider it from the standpoint of a philosophy of history based on the conception of the race as fundamental factor of social evolution — i.e. of the philosophy which from the outset has inspired the National-Socialist effort to reconstruct and re-organise the entire life of the German nation. According to this philosophy, the differentiation and variety of the heterogeneous human races, as well as of the peoples who descend from them, constitute an essential element of the Divine creative purpose. Providence has assigned to each people the task of freely and fully developing its own specific characteristic traits. Hence it is contrary to the Divine purpose if a people allows its destiny to be shaped by extraneous forces; and such a people will assuredly perish in the struggle for existence. The question of the intrinsic value of such forces is irrelevant. The sole thing that matters is that they are extraneous — that they have no part in or relation to the hereditary structure, biological and traditional, of the people among whom they operate.

No clearer demonstration of this truth has been furnished in the history of the world than by the downfall of the Roman empire, which was doomed from the moment when the ancient Roman element that formed its nucleus began to be stifled by the inroad of foreign influences. The whole life — political, social, economic, military — of the Roman Empire was finally dominated by alien influences, the result being a racial and cultural syncretism which could not but prove fatal to the Empire in the long run.

The family, as the cell of the social community, is naturally subject to the same law of heredity as the aggregate. Those peoples who are derived from the Germanic race, to cite only this particular example, have a strongly developed family instinct. They know, thanks to instinctive intuition fortified by hereditary experience, that the destiny of every family is determined throughout successive generations by the predominance of certain biological and traditional factors. Hence in all families where the consciousness of this truth has not been obliterated, the greatest possible care is invariably taken that there shall be no admixture of new blood susceptible of adulterating the racial composition or debasing the traditional standard of the family. A number of families illustrious in history have consistently maintained this standard by a rigorous adherence to the principle of consanguinity.

Germany, starting from a philosophy of history based on the principle of racial differentiation, is the first country to have consistently drawn the conclusions resulting from the lessons of the past two thousand years in regard to the Jewish question. Those lessons have taught us the reason why the attempt to solve that question by means of the abortive attempt to assimilate the Jews was pre-doomed to failure. Those lessons have proved to the hilt the utter impossibility of assimilating the Jews, and have shown the inevitability of the periodical recurrence of anti-Semitism in consequence.

The lessons taught by the past two thousand years may be resumed as follows:-

[1] The Jewish question is not a religious, but exclusively a racial, question. The Jews, the overwhelming majority of whom are of Oriental, i.e. Near Eastern descent, have no racial affinity whatever with the peoples of Europe. It should be observed that the attitude of the German government towards the Jewish question is dictated solely by the fact that the Jews are an alien race, without any consideration of the intrinsic value of the specific qualities of that race.

Even in the era of emancipation, during which the Jews were on principle incorporated in the national communities of the Western world, and which was characterised by the “conversion” of millions of Jews to Christianity, it proved impossible to blot out the traces of their ineradicably alien nature. Sufficient evidence of this fact is forthcoming from Jewish sources. In his book Höre, Israel, the late Dr. Walther Rathenau wrote: “In the life of the German national the Jews are a clearly differentiated alien race… In the Marches of Brandenburg they are like unto an Asiatic horde.” The well known Jewish author Jakob Klatzkin ex pressed himself with refreshing can dour in his work Krisis und Entscheidung im Judentum (1921) as follows: “Everywhere we are strangers in the lands in which we live, and it is our inflexible resolve to maintain our racial idiosyncrasy.” Both testimonials were furnished at a time when the emancipation of the Jews in Germany hat reached its culminating point.

[2] For the past 2000 years the Jewish race has been perpetually on the move. The whole world is its home, conformably with the motto ubi bene, ibi patria. True to their destiny, the Jews will never admit being bound by any national ties. The abnormal structure of the Jewish community, in which neither peasants nor handicraftsmen find a place, renders it impossible for the Jews to adapt themselves to the conditions of life in the countries which give them hospitality.

[3] Racial predisposition and historical destiny combine to incline the Jews to certain categories of activity, whose sphere of influence is, by their very nature, international. It is consequently explicable that, during the era of emancipation, the Jews should have successfully sought to obtain control of a) public opinion, b) the stock and share markets, c) wholesale and retail trade, d) certain influential cultural organisations, and — last, but not least — e) political life. At the close of the emancipation era in Germany, the Jews enjoyed a practical monopoly of all the professions exerting intellectual and political influence. This enabled them to stamp their entirely alien features on the whole public life of the country.

[4] One of the results achieved by the policy of “assimilation” during the era of emancipation was the release of the Jews in Eastern Europe from their ghettos, and their emigration to the more liberal-minded States of Western Europe and North America. Between 1890 and 1900, some 200,000 East European Jews found their way into Great Britain. The number of Jews who emigrated to the United States between 1912 and 1935 is computed at upwards of 1,500,000. If the Jewish question has today attained such vital importance, this is to a large extent due to those migrations of Jews, ­ migrations which, on the one hand, demonstrated the illusory nature of the theory of the Jews’ capacity for assimilation, and, on the other, hastened the process of the domination of West European and North American states by Jewish elements.

The process in question had been practically completed in Germany before the advent of National-Socialism to power. An alien race, without roots in German soil and without even the most remote affiliation with the German people, had taken possession of Germany. The poison of an alien spirit, of an alien manner of thinking, had been instilled, cunningly and systematically, into the German mind. Hence the whole German organism necessarily conveyed a totally misleading impression to an observer from outside. National-Socialism was therefore faced by the urgent necessity of solving a problem which vitally affected the very existence of the German nation.

Impartial foreign observers had long since recognised the inevitability of a radical solution of the Jewish question in Germany. Already in December, 1910, the Times, in a review of Houston Stewart Chamberlain’s book “The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century,” remarked that nearly everything in Germany had come under Jewish control – not only business life, but the press, the theatre, the film, etc., in short, everything susceptible of influencing German spiritual life, and that it would be inconceivable that the Germans could tolerate such a slate of affairs in the long run. A clash must sooner or later inevitably occur, in the view of the Times.

Since a solution of the Jewish problem by means of the assimilation of the Jewish race, of its absorption in German national life, had proved wholly impossible, there remained to the National-Socialists but the single alternative of solving the Jewish question by the elimination of that unassimilable race from Germany.

Foreign critics take particular exception to this view. Even objective observers, fully aware of the consequences of Jewish ascendency and of the resulting inevitability of an anti-Semitic reaction, condemn the methods adopted by National-Socialism for the solution of the Jewish question in Germany as inhuman and barbarous when pushed to their only logical conclusion.

Whether considered from a purely psychological, or from a concrete political, point of view, this criticism of Germany’s attitude is bound to exert great influence on Germany’s relations with other countries. It is therefore necessary to carefully examine the grounds on which that criticism is based.

It is incontestable — in fact no attempt has been made to deny or even to minimise the fact — that the policy of the German government towards the Jews has entailed numerous hardships — amounting in certain individual cases to a positive miscarriage of justice. It cannot be denied that a number of Jews affected by recent legislative measures directed against their race honestly felt themselves to be thorough­ going Germans. Such Jews had done their best to render service to the state as functionaries, artists, men of letters, scientists, and — last but not least — as soldiers in the Great War.

In order to understand why Germany has proceeded to such a radical solution of the Jewish problem by means of methods of such relentless severity, it is necessary to make abstraction of individual cases, however interesting they may be intrinsically, and to bear in mind that no legislative measure, nor indeed any farreaching political action, can be conceived which does not inevitably entail more or less numerous individual hardships. It is the same as with surgical operations, when the surgeon, in order to extirpate the germs of disease, must resort to the excision of healthy tissue surrounding the infected parts. Only in this way can he hope to save the sick organism.

But in order to understand the German attitude towards the Jewish question it is necessary to go still farther — to remember (as has already been indicated) that the unceasing encroachment of the Jews on the entire public life of Germany within the last few decades finally resulted in a terrible national catastrophe. The disastrous end of the Great War for Germany, followed as it was by complete political and economic collapse, by cultural and moral deterioration, by unemployment on a colossal scale with its consequent impoverishment of all social classes to a degree hitherto undreamt-of in modern times — this epoch of Germany’s greatest and most cruel humiliation coincided with the final triumph of Jewish emancipation, with the culminating point of Jewish ascendency in Germany, just as the aforementioned writer in the Times had prophesied in 1910.

Already more than a generation ago, one of the most sincere and farsighted minds in international Jewry, the late Zionist leader Theodore Herzl, described this interdependence of general distress and Jewish ascendency in a passage of his Zionistische Schriften (vol. 1, pp. 238/9), which is by no means applicable solely to Germany, but which has, on the contrary, universal validity. Therein Herzl characterised as follows the part played by the Jews:-

“There are among them a few persons who hold in their hands the financial threads that envelop the world. A few persons who absolutely control the shaping of the most vitally important conditions of life of the nations. Every invention and innovation are for their sole benefit, whilst every misfortune increases their power. And to what use do they put this power? Have they ever placed it at the service of any moral ideal — nay, have they ever placed it at the disposal of their own people, who are in dire distress? … Without those persons no war can he waged and no peace be concluded. The credit of states and individual enterprises are alike at the mercy of their rapacious ambition. The inventor must humbly wait at their doors, and in their arrogance they claim to sit in judgment on the requirements of their fellow beings.”

Nothing could be better calculated to clear Germany from the reproach of sinning against the laws of humanity, than a detailed enumeration of the facts which prove to what an appalling degree Germany herself experienced the truth of Herzl’s words — of the facts which incontestably show what immeasurably bitter experiences have forced Germany to seek a radical solution of the Jewish problem, as far as she is concerned, by the ruthless elimination of all Jewish influence in German Life.

The following chapters endeavour to present a resume of the importance of the part played by the Jews at the peak of the era of emancipation–i.e. up to the advent to power of National-Socialism.

Read  Chapter 1 tomorrow

Published in: on April 21, 2017 at 8:52 am  Leave a Comment