Esoteric Hitlerist: An Interview With Miguel Serrano


miguel-serranoBorn in Santiago, Chile, Miguel Serrano served as ambassador to India from 1953-1962, ambassador to Yugoslavia and accredited in Romania and Bulgaria from 1962-1970, as well as emissary to the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO). As editor of La Nueva Edad, Serrano managed and published this magazine from 1939-1945.

Taking part in the second Chilean expedition to the frozen continent, the author traveled to Antarctica in 1947-1948 with the secret objective of finding the fresh water Oases. A mountain was named in his honor by the Chilean military for being the sole civilian explorer.

As a friend of many yogis in India, personal friend of Nehru, Indira Ghandi and the Dalai Lama, Mr. Serrano was the only foreigner to receive the Dalai Lama in the Himalayas following his escape of the Chinese invasion of Tibet.

Miguel Serrano belonged to the Hermetic Circle formed by C.G. Jung, (who wrote the foreword to Serrano’s The Visits Of The Queen Of Sheba, and it was the only time that Jung ever wrote a prologue for a purely literary work) and Hermann Hesse, in whose house he lived in Montagnola, Switzerland for ten years, once having abandoned his diplomatic career to pursue his passion for research and writing.

Read interview at link below



Published in: on August 31, 2016 at 10:56 am  Leave a Comment  

Adolf Hitler’s Appeal to the Nation



Fate has allotted those in power today more than thirteen years to be tested and proven.

But they hand down their own worst sentence, in that they themselves confess to the failure of their efforts by the type of propaganda they use today. Once it was their desire to govern Germany better in the future than in the past, and they are forced to observe that the only real product of their attempts at government is that Germany and the German Volk are still alive.

In the November days of ‘18 [1918], they solemnly pledged to lead our Volk and in
particular the German worker into a better economic future. Today, after they have had nearly fourteen years to keep their promise, they cannot cite a single German professional group as witness for the quality of their actions.

The German peasant has become impoverished; the mittelstand is ruined; the social hopes of many millions of people are destroyed; one third of all German men and women of working age is unemployed and thus without income; the Reich, the communities, and the Länder are over indebted; finances are in a muddle across the board; and all the coffers are empty!

What more could they possibly have destroyed? The worst thing, though, is the destruction of the faith in our Volk, the elimination of all hopes and all confidence. In thirteen years they have not succeeded in mobilizing in any way the powers slumbering in our Volk; on the contrary!

Out of their fear of the awakening of the nation, they have played people off against one another: the city against the country, the salaried workers against
the civil servants, those who work with their hands against those who work with their brains, the Bavarians against the Prussians, the Catholics against the Protestants, and so forth, and vice versa.

The activism of our race was entirely consumed at home; outwardly, only fantasies remained: fantastic hopes of a cultural conscience, a law of nations, a
world conscience, ambassador conferences, the League of Nations, the second Internationale, the third Internationale, proletarian solidarity, etc.—and the world treated us accordingly.

Thus Germany has slowly disintegrated, and only a madman can still hope that those forces which first caused this disintegration might now bring about the resurrection. If the present parties seriously want to save Germany, why have they not done so already? Had they wanted to save Germany, why has it not happened? Had the men of these parties honestly intended to do so, then their programs must have been bad. If, however, their programs were right, then either their desire cannot have been sincere, or they must have been too ignorant or too weak.

Now, after thirteen years, after they have destroyed everything in Germany, the time has finally arrived for their own elimination. Whether or not today’s parliamentary parties exist or not is of no consequence; what is, however, necessary is that the German nation be prevented from falling completely into ruin.

Therefore it is a duty to vanquish these parties, for in order to secure their own existence, they must tear the nation apart over and over again. For years they have persuaded the German worker into believing that he alone could save himself. Fooled the peasant for years by claiming that only his organization would help him.

The mittelstand was to be snatched from the jaws of ruin by parties of the mittelstand; the economy by the parties of business. The Catholic was forced to
seek his refuge with the Center, the Protestant with the Christian Socialist People’s Service. In the end even the house owners had their own political representation, just as did the tenants, the salaried workers, and the civil servants.

However, these attempts at breaking the nation down into classes, ranks, professions, and confessions and at leading it piece by piece to the economic good fortune of the future have now failed completely.

Even on the day our National Socialist Movement was founded, we were already governed by the conviction that the fate of the German individual is inseparably bound up with the fate of the entire nation. When Germany disintegrates, the worker will not flourish in social good fortune and neither will the entrepreneur; the peasant will not save himself then; nor will the mittelstand.

No, the ruin of the Reich, the disintegration of the nation, means the ruin and the disintegration of all! Not a single confession and not a single German tribe will be able to escape sharing the same lot. Even on the day our National Socialist Movement was founded, we had already long been certain that it was not the proletariat which would be victor over the bourgeoisie, and not the bourgeoisie which would be victor over the proletariat, but that international big finance must ultimately become the sole victor over both. And that is what has come to pass!

Recognizing this disintegration, thirteen years ago I took a handful of people and formed a new movement which in its very name is to be a proclamation of the new Volksgemeinschaft. There is no such thing as socialism which does not have the power of the spirit at its disposal; no such thing as social good fortune which is not protected by—and even finds its prerequisite in—the power of a nation.

And there is no such thing as a nation—and thus no such thing as nationalism—if the army of millions who work with their intellects are not joined by the army of millions who work with their fists, the army of millions of peasants. As long as Nationalism and Socialism march as separate ideas, they will be defeated by the united forces of their opponents. On that day when both ideas are molten into one, they will become invincible!

And who will deny that, in a time when everything in Germany is falling apart and degenerating, when everything in the business world and political life is reaching a standstill or coming to an end, a single organization has experienced an enormous and miraculous upturn?

With seven men I began this task of German unification thirteen years ago, and today over thirteen million are standing in our ranks. However, it is not the number that counts, but its inner value!

Thirteen million people of all professions and ranks—thirteen million workers, peasants, and intellectuals; thirteen million Catholics and Protestants; members of all German Länder and tribes—have formed an inseparable alliance. And thirteen million have recognized that the future of all lies only in the joint struggle and the joint successes of all. Millions of peasants have now realized that the important thing is not that they comprehend the necessity of their own existence; rather, it is necessary to enlighten the other professions and walks of life as to the German peasant, and to win them for his cause.

And millions of workers have similarly realized today that, in spite of all the theories, their future lies not in some “Internationale” but in the realization on the part of their other Volksgenossen that, without German peasants and German workers, there simply is no German power. And millions of bourgeois intellectuals, too, have come to the realization of how insignificant their own illusions are if the masses of millions comprising the rest of the Volk do not finally comprehend the importance of the German intellectual class.

Thirteen years ago we National Socialists were mocked and derided—today our opponents’ laughter has turned to tears! A faithful community of people has arisen which will gradually overcome the prejudices of class madness and the arrogance of rank. A faithful community of people which is resolved to take up the fight for the preservation of our race, not because it is made up of Bavarians or Prussians or men from Württemberg or Saxony; not because they are Catholics or Protestants, workers or civil servants, bourgeois or salaried workers, etc., but because all of them are Germans.

Within this feeling of inseparable solidarity, mutual respect has grown, and from this respect has come an understanding, and from this understanding the tremendous power which moves us all. We National Socialists thus march into every election with the single commitment that we will, the following day, once more take up our work for the inner reorganization of our body politic. For we are not fighting merely for the mandates or the ministerial posts, but rather for the German individual, whom we wish to and shall join together once more to inseparably share a single common destiny.

The Almighty, Who has allowed us in the past to rise from seven men to thirteen million in thirteen years, will further allow these thirteen million to once become a German Volk. It is in this Volk that we believe, for this Volk we fight; and if necessary, it is to this Volk that we are willing, as the thousands of comrades before us, to commit ourselves body and soul.

If the nation does its duty, then the day will come which restores to us: one
Reich in honor and freedom—work and bread.


July 15, 1932

Published in: on August 30, 2016 at 10:46 am  Leave a Comment  

Artworks by Sepp Hilz

Sepp Hilz (born 22 October 1906 in Bad Aibling, † 30 September 1967 in Willing) was a German painter, who specialized in rural themes and was a “peasant painter” .
Hilz was the son of the painter and restorer George Church Hilz.
After completing elementary school, he won an apprenticeship for aspiring painters in Rosenheim, where he learned above all the copying of old masters.
From 1921 to 1927 he continued his studies at the Munich art school and at Moritz Heymann’s’ private school for graphic arts .
In 1928 he married and returned to Bad Aibling to work for his father.
Since 1930, he stepped out of his own works in the style of Wilhelm Leibl.
In the era of National Socialism  Hilz, due to his  very fusuccessl rural subjects, was one of Adolf Hitler’s favorite painters.
After Hitler had bought, in 1938, his picture “After Hours” for 10,000 Reichsmarks, he granted him, in 1939, a donation of 100,000 marks for the purchase of land and the erection of a house with a private studio .
Hilz was represented several times with his own works on the NSDAP art exhibitions in Munich’s Haus der Kunst, including the image of a peasant girl undressing, Rustic Venus.
On 1 July 1943, Hitler appointed him, in spite of title block, a position as professor.
After the end of World War II Hilz  worked as a restorer of war-damaged church paintings.
In his own works, he increasingly turned to religious themes.
As an artist with National Socialist connections, he could not hold attention for his work and decided in 1956 to give up painting.
In 1967 he died.

Source: Artworks by Sepp Hilz

Published in: on August 30, 2016 at 10:26 am  Leave a Comment  

Aryan Race

“If one wished to describe the history of the Aryans, he would have to admit that today the Aryan has vanished except for a few very small traces.” – Alfred Rosenberg

What is the “Aryan Race?”

The term is used by Zionists (being Jews and their dogged Gentiles) to mean some form of European supremacy. How odd then, that the NSDAP never really used it in that way. Hitler was never short to praise the positive aspects of Europe, however, in reading about what the official NSDAP stance was, one can only deduce that “Aryan” was not used interchangeably with “European” or “White.” The Aryan Race left traces in many places on Earth. From the areas conventionally called Europe and the Far East, to those typically named the Middle East and Africa, as well as the Americas.

This further explains why the NSDAP commissioned so many archeological expeditions: they were searching for remnants of the Aryan Race and they did it mainly outside of Europe!

Let your quest to answer the aforementioned question make its way through here:

Aryan Race Throughout History-follow link below

Source: Aryan Race

Published in: on August 30, 2016 at 10:00 am  Leave a Comment  

The Jewish Question

Julius Streicher briefly explains how without a solution to the jewish question, there is no salvation for humanity. We cannot escape this truth.


Published in: on August 30, 2016 at 9:45 am  Leave a Comment  

In Defense of Hitler and his National-Socialism

As for the “socialism” in National Socialism, don’t let yourself be deceived by its enemies, among whom are the adherents of the Judeo-capitalists New Right.

Source: In Defense of Hitler and his National-Socialism

Published in: on August 30, 2016 at 9:40 am  Leave a Comment  

Hans Friedmann’s National Socialist Illustrations

Hans Friedmann

Source: Hans Friedmann’s National Socialist Illustrations

Published in: on August 30, 2016 at 9:20 am  Leave a Comment  

SS Race Theory


Read PDF-SSRaceTheory

Published in: on August 29, 2016 at 2:38 am  Comments (1)  

Table Talk



David Irving comments:

HENRY Picker took over the duties of writing the notes on Hitlers conversations from Heinrich Heim, Martin Bormann’s adjutant, in 1942. I interviewed Heim in the 1960s. He told me that Picker had found a sheaf of his notes in the desk when he took over, and after the war rewrote them in the third person and published them as his own work. Picker, a wealthy landowner after the war, established a priate Hitler museum stuffed with priceless Hitleriana, for example he purchased all of Julius Schaub’s personal effects.

Far more significant than Picker’s are the original Heim Aufzeichnungen. Heim  wrote them in the first person, in direct speech, and Bormann personally signed each day’s notes as accurate. The several ring binders of the notes were purchased from the Bormann family, along with Bormann’s own correspondence with his wife, by Swiss banker François Genoud after the war.

Austrian-born publisher George Weidenfeld published an English translation as Hitler’s Table Talk, with an introduction by Hugh Trevor-Roper — the book is still in my view one of the best windows into the mind of Hitler himself. Weidenfeld had purchased rights from Genoud (as the latter told me) for forty thousand pounds. Genoud insisted that half the payment be made direct to Hitler’s sister Paula!

Listen to Carolyn Yeager and Ray Goodwin read and discuss Table Talk in this 56 part series.


Published in: on August 29, 2016 at 2:18 am  Leave a Comment  

Hitler’s Breakfast



Published in: on August 29, 2016 at 1:59 am  Leave a Comment