AfD stays the course amid Petry-Pretzell “realpolitic” split

By Carolyn Yeager

FAR FEWER DEMONSTRATORS AGAINST THE AFD PARTY CONGRESS’ 2-day meeting in Cologne actually showed up than the 50,000 claimed to be expected. Only 8 to 10,000 filled the streets, which were easily controlled by the 4,000 well-prepared police on hand, even though two police officers were injured and a police car was set ablaze before things calmed down. Hateful comments from Church leaders brought push back from AfD co-chairman Frauke Petry in her speech on Saturday against their “ugly, deprecating and polarizing remarks.” (See more on that below)

From the outside, the Congress moved along very smoothly, electing as their lead candidates in the Federal election in September two top vote-getters: Alexander Gauland from Berlin and economist Alice Wiedel from Baden-Wurttemberg.


The main disagreement came early on Saturday when the delegates refused to tc onsider the motion put forward by co-Chairman Mrs. Petry to set her party on a more moderate course that would enable it to become part of governing coalitions. This was rejected by the majority, led by Alexander Gauland and co-Chairman Jörg Meuthen. Meuthen got a standing ovation when he said in his prepared remarks to the gathering that the AfD would never form an alliance with those like Merkel, Social Democrat leader Martin Schulz or the Greens, whose pro-migrant stances were wrecking Germany.

Unless Germany switches gears very soon, it will “with mathematical certainty turn into a Muslim country.” Meuthen said Germans in his hometown were now “few and far between.” He likened the country to the Titanic.

“Everybody is still in good spirits and there’s a relaxed party mood above and below deck but it’s almost impossible for the huge ship to make the necessary change in direction anymore. People can’t or don’t want to imagine a collision with an iceberg but it’s already unavoidable.”

By contrast, Petry said a “lack of strategy” was behind the “internal strife” the party had been plagued with … strife that was played down by both Meuthen and Gauland. She was adamant that the party made a “mistake” in refusing to discuss her motion on its future direction (to moderate its tone to make it more palatable to a broader slice of the German electorate), and said at the conclusion on Sunday afternoon that “The party is not yet ready, you have to give it time. It will recognize in the coming months that certain decisions need to be taken. I have a responsibility to the party that elected me two years ago, and I will continue to fill that,” she said.

Petry-Pretzell now a ‘faction’ hardening against the right?

Digging in their heels, Marcus Pretzell, state party chairman for North RhineWestphalia, announced on Sunday that he intends to take a different course than the federal party. “In North Rhine-Westphalia, we are pursuing a different, more realpolitical course than the federal party – both in personnel and content,” he told the TV station Phoenix. Pretzell and Petry were married in December 2016 and are expecting a baby this summer.

So it is clear that the Petry-Pretzell faction will continue to try to moderate the party, including the removal of member Björn Höcke, and others like him, who have strong followings of passionate supporters.

Published in: on April 24, 2017 at 1:00 am  Leave a Comment  

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Published in: on April 24, 2017 at 12:53 am  Leave a Comment  

To Be German Is to Be Strong


by Gertrud Scholtz-Klink

German women of all classes and organizations stand before the Führer at the beginning of the new year and thank him for preserving the life of our people, and for helping it to find itself again. We have done our best to do our part in helping our people to “find itself again,” and in making that real to all our women and girls. What we did not accomplish in past years will be done in the future. This we believe more than ever before, since despite all the difficulties we faced in the past year, it was a year that uniquely tested our strength, which therefore grew.

The men and women of this people, in their hundreds and thousands out there in local groups and counties, know that these strengths that were so desperately needed could grow within them because the Führer believed in the goodness and strength within them. Therefore, as his followers it is our greatest task to awaken and strengthen this faith in those we are responsible for, and to transform it into action.

This inner command is equally binding for man and woman, for the blue collar and white collar workers of our people.

The National Socialist movement sees the man and the woman as equal bearers of Germany’s future. It asks, however, for more than in the past: that each should first completely accomplish the tasks that are appropriate to his or her nature.

The woman, besides caring for her own children, should first care for those who need her help as mothers of the nation.

This primarily involves thinking about family law and supporting families, youth legislation, and protecting the youth. It also requires thinking about the occupational paths that female youth will follow in the coming years, since some men and women are still unemployed, and some changes in women’s work will therefore be needed. Given our relations with each other, we affirm these temporary measures because we have firm faith that we have the strength to overcome the many present difficulties that our people faces. Our love for our people, however, will never allow these temporary difficulties to cause conflicts only for the sake of conflict, or that they be interpreted by sensation-hungry individuals as a failure of the National Socialist worldview.

We are always being asked if we see everything that has to be done in the area of women’s work. We can only say that each has the right and the opportunity to work with us and to follow the path leading to the resurrection of our people. However, we must sense love and concern, we must see that he comes to us because of a love for his people. Empty intellectual thinking or a superiority complex have never saved a people.

This love should teach us all in the new year to listen even better to life around us, and to do our duties in the place we stand in a way that will make clear its deepest meaning: to become true to our calling as Germans!

Women, I wish to try briefly to make clear what the deepest calling we women have is: motherhood. In the bad fourteen years between 1918 and 1933, motherhood was often robbed of its deepest meaning and reduced to something superficial, something that was even held in contempt. Instead of a child being seen as the deepest affirmation of the woman and of life, it was seen as a burden, as a sacrifice on the part of the woman. A child was often seen not as a great link to God as the creator of all life, before whom we must bow with folded hands and trembling hearts, but rather very often as the result of a weak mind and as an escape from the great events of life.

Many women were superficially mothers, but they had forgotten to subordinate themselves to the law of life, which sees the affirmation of a child as the answer of the woman to her people, and also her contribution to the right of her people to survive.

Transforming the calling of motherhood to the job of motherhood left children joyless, unhappy, without strength or soul. Devilish forces under the leadership of Marxism attempted to lead German women along this path.

It is therefore our task to awaken once again the sense of the divine, to make the calling to motherhood the way through which the German woman will see her calling to be mother of the nation. She will then not live her life selfishly, but rather in service to her people.

We know and believe that all German women will accept this calling over time if we clear the rubble left by a mistaken age. More and more faithful helpers will join our ranks, working cheerfully and strongly as we have done in the past. Not only those women with children will become mothers of the nation, but rather each German woman and each girl will become one of the Führer’s little helpers wherever she is, be it in the labor service, in a factory, at a university or in a hospital, at home or on the high seas.

We have established a chain of helping hands that will grow ever stronger, because that is what our love for our people requires!

We have women who served their people during the Great War, and proved that they placed their people above themselves. Often, they were the first who continued their service in the N.S. movement. They are joined by younger women who came to this movement because they affirmed the life of the nation. They did not ask what would happen. Instead, they were there where they were needed.

For us women, to be German meant, and still means, always to be strong.

Only she can be strong who knows sorrow and deprivation. Overcoming oneself, and life, leads to strength. And that also leads to clarity. Since many Germans must still learn to understand this, all of our efforts will also involve struggle, struggle with each other. In all this, however, we must be strong and cheerful people.

We enter the new year as Germans. That means we want to be alert and untiring, because we want to support each other in everything our nation faces. We do not want to compromise from weakness, but be comrades one to another who can demand the utmost of each other, because we are willing to give it ourselves. Then the work of German men and women will together form the self-aware and proud Germans that we need, since our people must live!

With this will, we all return to work!


Gertrud Scholtz-Klink was born in Adelsheim, Germany on 9th February, 1902. After leaving school she worked as a nurse in Berlin. She married a postal worker at the age of eighteen. Both of them joined the National Socialist German Workers Party (NSDAP) and he died of a heart-attack at a NSDAP Rally.

In 1929 Scholtz-Klink, became leader of the women’s section in Baden. She was a fine orator and became deputy leader of the National Socialist Frauenschaft. Louis L. Snyder described her as “an able, energetic worker and the mother of four children… and was active in labour organizations.”

Published in: on April 24, 2017 at 12:41 am  Leave a Comment  

Germany and the Jewish Question Part 3


Jews in German Economic Life

Jewish penetration into German economic life was still more pronounced. In strict accordance with the objectives referred to in the previous chapter, trade and commerce were the principle spheres in which Jews centred their attention. Their peak activity in this respect, be it noted, was reached during the currency inflation from 1919 to 1923. In that particular period very little material benefit accrued to anyone engaged in productive and strenuous work. An instinct for speculation and commercial shrewdness was the ruling factor in those days. It is no wonder therefore that Jewish business concerns sprang up like mushrooms over­ night in that period. We need only recall such well-known Jewish names as Jakob Michael, Richard Kahn and Jacob Shapiro or the corrupt business concerns associated with the Austrian Jewish speculators, Siegfried Bosel and Castiglioni, two names that became notorious far beyond Germany’s frontiers. At huge cost to the national budget all these concerns finally collapsed when German currency was stabilized.

In 1931, Dr. Alfred Marcus, the Jewish statistician previously referred to, carefully examined Jewish participation in individual branches of German trade in his book Die wirtschaftliche Krise des deutschen Juden, — The Economic Crisis of German Jews. — His investigations led to the following remarkable results:

In 1930, 346 or 57.3 % of the total of 603 firms in the metal trades were in Jewish hands; in scrap-metal there were 514 firms of which 211 or 41 % were Jews; grain merchants totalled 6,809 of which 1,543 or 22. % were Jews; textile wholesalers numbered 9,984 of which 3,938 or 39,4 % were Jews; in the ladies dress branch there were 81 Jewish firms out of a total of 133, or 60.9 %. In the art and booksellers trades, both of which possess an extremely cultural value, many of the most important firms were Jewish. We need only mention S. Fischer, Cassirer, Flechtheim, Ullstein and Springer.

Still more important is the financial or banking business. Here well-nigh every leading business was in the hands of Jews. A few individual instances can be quoted. Both the governing directors of the Deutsche Bank und Discontogesellschaft (1929) and four of its twelve board members were Jews. The chairman, two vice-chairmen and three of the five governing members of the board of the Darmstädter und Nationalbank were Jews. The chairman, vice-chairman and three of the seven members of the governing board of the Dresdner Bank (1928) were Jews. Finally, everyone of the three owners of the Berliner Handelsgesellschaft were also Jews.

The big private banks were also nearly all in Jewish hands. We need only recall such well-known firms as Arnhold, Behrens, Warburg, Bleichröder, Mendelsohn, Goldschmidt, Rothschild, Dreyfuss, Bondi and Maron, Aufhäuser, Oppenheim, Levy, Speyer-Ellissen, Heimann, Stern.

By means of these key positions in the financial world Jewish influence penetrated by way of the boards of directors to every section of German industry. The Adress Buch der Direktoren und Aufsichtsräte — A Guide to Company Directors & Boards of Management — published in 1930, i. e. long before the National-Socialists assumed power — proves the alarming influence of Jewish capital or capital controlled by Jews on German economic life.

Outstanding among Jewish financiers in this respect was Jacob Goldschmidt, a member of the boards of no less than 115 companies. He was closely followed by Louis Hagen, a Jewish banker, with 62 appointments. Third on the list was a Christian lawyer, followed successively by four Jewish bankers who together held 166 positions on the boards of various companies. Further down this list Jews continued to play a very prominent role.

This concentration of business-company authority in the hands of a small group of Jewish financiers was certainly not compatible with a conscientious fulfilment of the exacting duties of a company director. On the other hand no effort or work was necessary in producing extraordinary handsome returns. This was one of the most important factors that led to discrediting the political and economic systems of that period, and also formed one of the causes which led to a widespread growth of anti-Semitism among the broad masses in Germany.

The domination of German industry by a system of Jewish boards of business directors certainly went hand in hand with direct Jewish penetration and subsequent control of industrial production. The complicated nature of this vast field and its complex structure makes it possible to give only a few illustrations which, however, by no means exhaust the real extent of Jewish expansion.

In the electrical branch for example, mention must be made of the AEG, — the German General Electric Company. This company was established by the Jew Emil Rathenau and after the Great War, was controlled by two Jews. The whole of the metal market was controlled by the Jew Merton, head of the Frankfurt Metal Bank. The Osram Company, the leading electric globe concern, was controlled by Meinhardt, a Jew. The Continental Rubber Company in Hannover, Germany’s largest productive plant, and the Calmon Rubber Company at Hamburg were established and controlled by Jews. Adler, Oppenheim, Salamander and Conrad Tack & Co., four Jewish firms, dominated the entire German leather industry. The iron market was controlled by the Jew Ottmar Strauss, Hugo Herzfeld, a Jew, exercised a decided influence in the potash industry. In the mining industry section, Paul Silverberg dominated the Rhenish lignite or brown coal industry whilst two co-religionists, the Petschek brothers had a similar function in the Central German lignite district.

Jewish participation was also extraordinarily large in industrial organisations and in official organs of German economic life. This influence was particularly pronounced in the Chambers of Commerce and Industry. To quote one example: The Berlin Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the largest of its kind in Germany, had 98 members in 1931 of which no less than 50 were Jews or half-caste Jews. Four­ hundred of the 1,300 members attached to the Chamber as advisory experts were Jews, whilst 131 of the 209 commercial judges appointed by the Chamber were also Jews. The Chamber itself was presided over by a President and five vice-presidents. The president himself and three of his deputies were Jews.

The position was far worse on the exchanges. We need do no more than give the Berlin Exchange, the most important one in Germany, as an example. Twenty-five of the 36 committee members of the Securities and Bonds Exchange were Jews, twelve of the 16 committee members of the Produce Exchange were Jews and ten of the 12 committee members of the Metal Exchange were also Jews. The committee of the whole Exchange was composed of 70 members of whom 45 were Jews. Attendance at the Exchange was also more or less a Jewish monopoly. In 1930 for example, the attendance at the Securities and Bonds Exchange totalled 1,474 of which number approximately 1,200 were Jews. The Produce Exchange had an attendance of 578 of which 520 were Jews, and at the Metal Exchange out of an attendance of 89 there were 80 Jews.

It is obvious that the Reichsbank, the official bank for the issue of paper money, was in no position to resist perma­nently this well-nigh Jewish monopoly of capital and economic interests. The result was that in the period between 1925 and 1929 four of the six members of the controlling board of Reichsbank directors were Jews or half-caste Jews. All three members of the Central Council of the Reichsbank and two of their deputies were Jews.

It is necessary now to supplement the aforementioned quantitative analysis of Jewish participation in German economic life by a qualitative one in which the following facts must be borne in mind:

When compiling the aforementioned statistics in regard to certain professions in the various German states since 1925 it was ascertained that in Prussia, the largest state, out of a total of approximately 3 million employed in the professions — either independently or in leading capacities — approximately 92,000 were orthodox Jews. This means that 48 % of all Jews professionally employed held leading positions, whereas the corresponding ratio for the remainder of the population amounted to only 16 %.

If we compare this with the Jewish share in the non­ independent manual work branch, then the whole abnormal social structure of Jewry stands revealed in its true light: Whereas Prussia in 1925 employed approximately 8.5 million ordinary workers (i. e. 46,9 % of the sum total of all in employment). Jews totalled only 16,000 i.e. (8.4 % of all Jews in employment). The percentage of Jews (which in the leading positions was three times greater than that of the whole population) dropped therefore in the manual trades to one­ sixth of the figure for the rest of the population, and for all practical purposes had reached zero.

This supplementary qualitative assessment makes it perfectly plain that prior to the National-Socialist regime the whole of German economic life had reached that alarming stage where it was under foreign domination by Jews and principally by Jews in leading key positions.

It is not surprising that this powerful domination of German economic life should express itself in abnormally high incomes for members of the Jewish community. It is difficult of course to give accurate figures in this respect. We will, however, limit ourselves to the statistics furnished us by the Jewish statistician, Dr. Alfred Marcus, to whom reference has already been made. Marcus estimates the average Jewish income for 1930 as 3.2 times greater than the average income of the rest of the population.

Summarizing the aforementioned particulars, it must be emphasized once more that the Jews concentrated themselves exclusively on commercial and financial undertakings and assumed therein absolute leading positions. Agriculture and other manual work were severely left alone. Abnormal concentration of Jews in large cities, particularly in Berlin, must not be forgotten.

It does not require much intelligence to realize that such an abnormal social and regional structure must ultimately lead to a state of severe tension, if not to serious disturbances in public life. This would have taken place in any case even if the Jews had wisely adapted themselves to the requirements of the country which was giving them shelter. These tensions had to lead to an explosion one day if Jewry, blinded by the lustre of its fortunes continued to exercise no restraint in displaying its foreign racial characteristics. But nowhere have Jews been more downright unrestrained than during the era of economic and political corruption which Germany experienced after the Great War.

Published in: on April 24, 2017 at 12:33 am  Leave a Comment