Germany And The Jewish Problem Part 5


The Jews in German Political Life

In Imperial Germany the Jews did not play any important roles in the political life of the country, that is to say, not insofar as they were in possession of important key positions. But this state of affairs changed radically with the outbreak of the 1918 revolution and the introduction of a new constitution. There is no need here to examine the question of whether this new state structure was in line with the governing political ideas of Jewry. The facts, however, are that with the commencement of November 1918, a veritable rush was made by the Jews to capture the leading key positions in the Reich and in the federal states.

Among the six so-called “Representatives of the People” who formed the first Reich government after the collapse, there were two Jews, Hugo Haase and Otto Landsberg. Kurt Eisner, a Jew, headed the list as Minister-President in Bavaria; in Prussia the Jew Paul Hirsch assumed a similar function. The first Reich government established in 1919 on a parliamentry basis contained five Jews. Many of the most important departments in the Reich ministeries were controlled by Jews.

To thoroughly appreciate the significance of this fact, one must bear in mind, that Jewish usurpation of political leader­ship commenced with the beginning of an epoch of political weakness which, in foreign affairs led to complete surrender and shameful servility; in the domestic sphere to complete disunion and disruption. Even the loss of the Great War -­ which naturally had to lead to a profound change in Germany’s position abroad and in her domestic affairs as well — is certainly no sufficient excuse or explanation. Opinion abroad, when dealing with that particular period, will agree that a more dignified attitude would have been helpful in improving the German position. On the other hand, the servile and defeatist policy of the German Jewish politicians commanded nothing but contempt and only served to accentuate German’s national shame and misery.

Those particular Jewish politicians were also in no way satisfied that a change from constitutional monarchy to a parliamentary-republican regime had taken place in German affairs. This is testified to by the Jewish author, Rudolf Schay, in his book Juden in der deutschen Politik (Jews in German Politics) published in 1929. He states:

“Among the elements who carryon the revolution, and will not accept a free and bourgeois and a democratic­ republican order — but who insist on the complete fulfillment of all social demands, — Jews have played a dominant role; viz: Rosa Luxemburg, Eisner and Landauer … “

This complete fulfillment of all socialist demands was nothing else than a realization of the Communist manifest inspired and dictated by the Jew Karl Marx. But that was only possible by completely surrendering all national ideas and interests of the German nation.

It is therefore not surprising that Jewish politicians were playing a leading role, even during the Great War, in all those movements which aimed at undermining the political and military strength of Germany. Which of the Allied countries would not have taken immediate steps to punish the author of a treacherous article such as that which appeared on October 20, 1918, in the Social-Democratic paper Vorwärts, written by its editor, the Jew Friedrich Stampfer. He stated:

“Germany must — that is our inflexible will as socialists -­ strike her war flag for ever, without bearing it home in victory for the last time.”

That is the same brand of defeatism which already at the beginning of the Great War had permeated the many pacifist organisations, all of which were under Jewish control.

Prominent among these organisation was the Neues Vaterland (The New Fatherland) subsequently known as “The German League for Human Rights.” Its policy was principally dictated by the Jews Witting, Grelling, Bernstein, Magnus Hirschfeld, Heymann, Gumbel, Wulfsohn etc. The pacifist Youth Organisation was also led by Jews: Max Hodann, Jakob Feldner, the Jewish Communist Scholen and the half-caste Jewish sons of Karl Liebknecht.

It is not our intention to criticize pacifism as such. Un­questionably pacifism is a political conviction of great moral significance and is certainly worthy of every effort to support it. But pacifism is only tolerable for the political direction of a country — particularly when all national forces of that country are concentrated to the full — as long as it remains within boundaries prescribed by the political interests of the country.

But it is those particular pacifists mentioned above who primarily must be held responsible for the collapse of Germany’s spirit of resistance, for the estrangement that took place between the people and its political leaders and for the cleavage between the army at the front and the people at home. No one was more successful than the leading pacifist Jews in giving Germany’s enemies suitable material for propaganda.

Prominent in this work is the Jew already referred to, Dr. Richard Grelling — a name undoubtedly still well-remembered in the former Allied countries. Before the War he emigrated to Switzerland and there published his two books J’accuse and Das Verbrechen (The Crime) in which he attempted to prove Germany’s alleged guilt for the outbreak of hostilities. This book was very widely circulated in the Allied and neutral countries as an “authoritative and convincing” personal document of Germany’s war guilt and all the attendant horrors. In 1917, Karl Federn, Grelling’s co-religionist and also an author, replied by denouncing Grelling’s conduct as “dishonourable” and stating further that Grelling had built up his case “by lies and the use of false and forged documents.” Grelling never replied to these severe charges which were constantly repeated in later years. On the contrary, he was coward enough to attempt to deny authorship of these two books.

Mention must also be made of the Jewish journalist Hermann Fernau who conducted propaganda against Germany from Switzerland in 1917/1918. His newspaper articles furnished the Allies with excellent material for disruptive propaganda in German front line trenches.

Geheimrat Witting, a highly placed German official, brother of the Jewish author Maximilian Harden, was responsible for the unlawful and widespread publication in pamphlet form of a private memorandum (“My London Mission”), the property of Count Lichnowsky, the former German Ambassador in London. This memorandum contained observations of a purely personal character but their unlawful publication was just as disastrous to Germany’s political position as the works of Grelling.

Jews also took a prominent part in the work of planning the revolution in Germany which finally led to the collapse of the entire western front.

It was Dr. Oscar Cohn, the Social-Democratic deputy who early in November 1918 accepted the sum of four million gold roubles from M. Joffe, the Soviet-Russian ambassador to Berlin in those days, and also a Jew. This money was intended to finance the German revolution. Hugo Haase, a Jewish Reichstag deputy, was the master-mind behind the Sailors’ revolt at Kiel, which was the signal for general revolution throughout Germany. At the national meeting of protest held on May 12, 1919, when it was unanimously decided to vote against signing the peace terms, it was the Jew Haase, as leader of the Independent Social-Democrats, who alone insisted on accepting the terms. It must also be added that in the Prussian Diet of that period it was a Jew, Kurt Rosenfeld, who on May 7, 1919, on the occasion of a similar protest meeting demanded that these terms should be accepted.

Closely allied to these destructive elements and traitors to national interests, a few further outstanding names can be mentioned: The Jews Georg Bernhard, editor of the Vossische Zeitung, Friedrich Stampfer and Erich Kuttner, both on the staff of the Social-Democratic Vorwärts, Rudolf Hilferding, attached to the radical Freiheit press. Their united efforts were chiefly responsible for Germany being forced to bow down and submit to the yoke of the peace terms. Although political development proved later that these terms could never be fulfilled, yet to the military collapse there was added a total political and economic crash.

It is not possible to conclude this chapter of Jewish defeatism without mentioning the following: It is true that there were also numbers of non-Jewish Germans who both during and after the war committed treason on strictly Jewish lines. But the Jewish percentage in this dastardly political work is not only relative but actually incomparably higher. In fact, the percentage is so abnormally great, that the list of non-Jewish perpetrators is almost insignificant.

Seeking for an explanation of this curious fact one finds that Jewry is outwardly as well as inwardly completely rootless; on the basis of its racial habits and its historical past it recognizes no ties which can in any way be connected with love for a homeland.

At the same time, however, this political attitude of the Jews clearly shows up the glaring ingratitude which they have demonstrated in Germany. There is no country where the requirements of Jewish emancipation have been more justly fulfilled than in Germany; and there is not another country in which Jews were so accomodatingly allowed to fill positions in the public services. But in no other country in the world have Jews in times of severe national distress played such an inglorious, destructive and treacherous role as in Germany.

Two particular and instructive instances of post-war date will illustrate the Jewish lack of national feeling and also demonstrate the objectionable way in which profound national susceptibilities were wounded by Jews.

The first case is the scandal in connexion with Professor Theodor Lessing. During the election campaign for a Reich President in 1925, this Jew, who had been entrusted with the work of educating German youth, published an article in a foreign and anti-German paper — the Prague Tageblatt – opposing Field Marshal von Hindenburg as a candidate for the Presidency. This article abounded in slanderous and ill­ natured attacks on the Field Marshal who was stigmatized as “inhuman”, a “simpleton” and a “ferocious wolf”. Lessing added that the Field Marshal would prove to be a “Nero” in office.

To fully grasp this dastardly attack, one must recall to mind that the Field Marshal, after a strenuous career, had again placed himself at the service of the country at the age of seventy-seven. This was at a time when a disrupted Germany sorely needed a man who would collect all the forces for the work of national reconstruction. One must further remember that Hindenburg as Commander-in-Chief of the German Army during the War, had become a loved and venerable figure, the very embodiment of all the glorious achievements of the army at the front. This slanderous attack had the same effect on Germany as a similar attack on Kitchener or Nelson would have in England, or Marshal Foch in France or George Washington in America.

A veritable storm of indignation arose in academic circles throughout the country. Prof. Lessing, however, was not reprimanded and was even permitted to continue his slanderous attacks. But the result was a natural further strengthening of the anti-Semitic tendencies of the whole nation.

The character of this Jew Lessing is further emphasized in his “War Memoirs” published in 1929 in the same Prague newspaper. He states clearly but equally cynically as well as incomprehensibly stupid:

“I was fortunate in becoming a shirker. Throughout four years of war I was called up to the colours regularly once a month. Disqualification became more and more difficult. I kept on inventing excuses in order to keep away from the front.” That was the man who dared to slander Hindenburg, the soldier, and make him appear ludicrous.

The “Gumbel Case,” broadly speaking, is similar to the Lessing scandal. Emil Gumbel, a Jew, was also a university teacher; he belonged to those pacifists, traitors and defeatists previously referred to. He also was closely connected with the Third International and with Moscow. In a series of pamphlets he made seditious statements which brought him into conflict with the law despite the fact that the sympathetic attitude of the government in those days was all in his favour. Gumbel also participated in the publication of a document entitled “Germany’s Secret Armaments” in which he endeavoured to expose Germany’s alleged breaches of the disarmament terms of the Versailles Treaty. This document was handed to the French, English and Polish governments by the Jewish controlled pacifist “League for Human Rights.” It is quite obvious that this document brought about a difficult foreign political situation for Germany. In speeches which Gumbel made in 1924 at various French universities, he even went so far as to admit the truth of the oft-repeated false statement about Germany’s war guilt.

Hence there is no cause for surprise that this man (who had never seen the front) was incapable of a spark of human feeling for the heroic deeds of German soldiers in the war. It was he who dared to declare at a public meeting in 1924 that the dead German soldiers had “died on the field of dishonour. “

Despite these infamous statements and insults to the German people, which caused widespread indignation, Gumbel was able to maintain his position as teacher at the university until 1933. Influential Jewish friends such as Georg Bernhard and Albert Einstein were his protectors. He was even able to continue his insults and at a later meeting at Heidelberg he declared: “The War Memorial to German soldiers is to me nothing but one big turnip.”

Would it be possible — one must ask the question in view of this blackguardism — for an English university teacher to insult the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in a similar manner? Would not a storm of national indignation sweep away Jewish blackguards of the Gumbel and Lessing type? National-Socialism in Germany certainly accomplished that when it cleared out its Gumbels and Lessings, its Grellings and Bernhards and the whole clique of defeatists and traitors. By means of legislation, such disruptive work was made impossible for all time.

In Gumbel’s case one could already discern the connexion that existed between people of his character and Marxism. Opinions’ may vary in regard to Marxism and its parliamentary champions, but when one closely studies this subject one cannot deny the fact that Marxism and Jewry are closely allied.

It is a well-known fact that the Father of Marxism, Karl Marx, was a member of a rabbi family. Subsequent logical developments prove that this was no mere accident. Another Jew, Ferdinand Lassalle, stood next to Marx on the threshhold of this new socialist workers movement. Lassalle was the son of a Jewish silk merchant in Breslau. Both looked up to the Jew Moses Hess as their spiritual father, quoted as the “Father of Modern Socialism” and the “Communist Rabbi” – by the “Jewish Lexicon” — the standard work of reference for all German Jews. All Jewish thought since those days has always felt itself drawn towards this Marxist socialism, and the array of Jewish leaders in the Marxist workers movement has been maintained up till now.

Opinions may differ in other countries, but Germany’s attitude towards this problem is guided by the profound relationship existing between Marxism and Jewry. The two are inseparable wherever they occur. The war and post-war periods in Germany have definitely proved the disastrous effects of Jewish Marxism as a political factor.

At the turn of the century, two Jews in succession were chairmen of the Social-Democratic party in Germany: Paul Singer and Hugo Haase. After that Jews gained more and more dominating influence in all sections of the Marxist movement, its parliamentary, journalistic and literary work. The consolidation of the Marxist theory and science became well-nigh a Jewish monopoly. Outstanding Jewish theorists in this work were Eduard Bernstein, Rudolf Hilferding, Adolf Braun, Jacob Stern and Simon Katzenstein. The central intellectual organ of international Marxism was the publication called the Neue Zeit (The New Age), published in Berlin, which started its career in 1883 with one dozen Jewish contributors. In 1905 this figure had increased to forty and in 1914, no less than one hundred Jews from all parts of the world were contributing articles to this publication. The position was similar in other intellectual and literary publications of German Marxism.

The Marxist daily press was almost completely in the hands of the Jews. The Vorwärts — the principal organ of the German Social-Democratic Party, was founded by Singer, a Jew. In 1929, according to a statement by its editor-in-chief, Friedrich Stampfer, the whole of his editorial staff, with one exception, was composed of Jews. When later on the Communist paper the Rote Fahne (Red Flag) was published the percentage of Jews on its staff was equally high. Its editors were the Jewess Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht who, although a Christian, had been twice married to Jewesses. Another publication preeminently controlled by Jews was the Freiheit (Liberty) — with an extreme Marxist policy controlled by Rudolf Hilferding and Paul Hertz, both Jews. The Social-Democratic press news services and foreign press offices were essentially dominated by Jewish journalists.

The percentage of Jewish Social-Democratic Reichstag deputies totalled 22 % in 1924 while the percentage of Jew­ish Communist deputies was given as 15 % in the same year. Here it is well to emphasize again that Jews totalled barely 1 % of the whole German population.

The following is the list of Jews elected to the Reichstag in 1924, as members of the Social-Democrat Party:

Aufhäuser, Dr. Adolf Braun, Bernstein, Eggerstedt, Frölich, Heimann, Dr. Hertz, Dr. Hilferding, Hoch, Jacobshagen, Kirschmann, Landsberg, Dr. Levi, Dr. Löwenstein, Ludwig, Stefan Meier, Dr. Moses, Dr. Rosenfeld, Frau Schiffgens, Frau Toni Sender, Stampfer, Frau Wurm.

In the same year, the Communist Party returned the following Jews as members.

Frau Arendsee, Frau Gohlke (known as Ruth Fischer), Hoernle, Katz, Koenen, Münzenberg, Rosenbaum, Dr. Rosenberg. Scholem.

In 1932, Jewry in the Marxist parties was represented in the Reichstag by the following Jewish members:

In the Social-Democratic section, — Aufhäuser, Dr. Adolf Braun, Eggerstedt, Frölich, Heilmann, Heimann, Heinig, Dr. Hertz, Dr. Hilferding, Kirschmann, Landsberg, Dr. Löwenstein, Dr. Marum, Stefan Meier, Reuter, Schneppenhorst, Frau Schreiber-Krieger, Frau Toni Sender, Friedrich Stampfer, Frau Wurm.

In the Communist section, — Gräf, Hoernle, Frau Kessel, Kippenberger, Münzenberg, Frau Sandtner.

It was natural therefore that this influx of Jews in the Reichstag should have its effect on government in the Reich itself and in the federal states. Prussia particularly was their happy hunting ground and they were to be found in key position in practically every ministry. No important step could be taken anywhere without brushing up against a Jew in authority.

When taking this all-powerful Jewish influence in all Marxist organisations and parties into account, it is no longer surprising that the policy of the Social-Democrats was shaped and influenced entirely by their Jewish leaders. Therefore we see once more the same spirit of defeatism and treachery to which we have already referred.

A start was made, almost immediately on August 4th, 1914, when the Jew Hugo Haase led 14 Social-Democrat deputies in the Reichstag in an attempt to stop government war loans. Two years later 18 Social-Democrat deputies finally voted against the same governmental measure. Apart from this Jew Haase, their ranks had been swelled by five other Jews. The Jewess Rosa Luxemburg led the campaign of sapping Germany’s power of resistance. The first success of this dastardly process of undermining became evident in August 1914, when a public statement opposing the government’s policy of home defence was published by a Hamburg Social-Democrat newspaper. That statement was signed by three leading Jews.

After the November 1918 collapse, nearly all the radical leaders with Bolshevik tendencies were Jews. They took a prominent and for Germany a disastrous part in the peace negotiations, to which reference has already been made.

In Communism, which is the extreme form of Marxism, Jewish domination became particularly marked. Its leaders and propagandists were almost exclusively Jews. The “Spartacist League”, founded in 1918 as a forerunner to the Communist party, was in charge of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg. This league was modelled on true Soviet lines and called on the proletariat to arm in those days of terror which followed the collapse of the nation. The league’s Moscow agent was the Jew, Leo Jogiches (formerly known as Tyschko). Mention has already been made of the fact that Oscar Cohn, the Jewish radical socialist, received the sum of 10 million gold roubles from Joffe, the Jewish Soviet Ambassador to Berlin in November 1918.

After a systematic preparation by these German and Russian Jews, chaos and indescribable horror was finally let loose by them on the German nation, culminating at Munich. Here again it was a Jew, Kurt Eisner, an author, who played the part of leader and organiser. In 1917, when Germany was still fighting for her existence, he had already agitated for strikes and revolution. Eisner founded a Workers’ Council at Munich on strictly Bolshevik lines; his “Revolutionary Tribunal” contained nearly all Jews — five of them in number. Only those who have experienced that period of Jewish terror and slaughter, the murder of hostages, plunderings and acts of arson, are able to realize why Munich became the birth­ place of National-Socialism, whence the movement spread to other parts of Germany, and finally put an end to Jewish domination.

The closely allied interests of Jewry and Communism were in no way affected when the first Communist attempts at revolution were summarily suppressed. The so-called cultural Bolshevism of the extreme Marxists, sponsored mainly by Jews, now joined with those forces which were tireless in their efforts to overthrow law and order with the object of Bolshevising Germany.

It is necessary to quote only a few distinctive examples of the work that was being carried on in this extensive sphere of moral corruption and disruption. During negotiations in regard to a reform of the German Criminal Code, the Jewish radical socialist Kurt Rosenfeld intimated that he was opposed to punishment for the crime of high treason as well as for sodomy and homosexual offences.

Jews were also dominant in questions relating to the education of children on Bolshevik principles. Jewish pedagogues, Jewish principals of official school establishments founded and supported experimental schools and “Juvenile Republics” modelled on Soviet lines. Authority was entirely banished in these institutions, the sexes were educated in an immoral manner and sexual problems formed the major part of the school curriculum. In this respect much publicity was given to Kurt Lowenstein as the Jewish principal of Berlin’s schools, and his colleague, Fritz Karsen-Krakauer, another Jew.

To complete the sordid picture of closely allied interests between Jewry and Bolshevism which had brought Germany to the brink of Communism only a short while before National-Socialism took power, it remains to be said that Jews were still in certain key positions up to the last minute.

Hans Kippenberger is first on the list. He was head of the terror and espionage branches of the German Communist party. Heinz Neumann, son of a wealthy Berlin merchant, was also prominent. He was a member of the Central Executive of the German Communist party and one of the most dangerous agitators among the general public. He coined the infamous phrase: “Kill the fascists wherever you meet them” which in 1932 led to a series of foul murders of National-Socialist party members. Abroad, Neumann was equally busy. He was responsible for the Communist rising in Canton in 1927 and for this act he was labelled in the world press as the “The wholesale butcher of Canton.”

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