Alfred Rosenberg And The Aryan Soul


By Guillermo Coletti


“Should the subduing talisman, the Cross, break, then will come the roaring forth of wild madness of the old champions… The talisman is brittle, and the day will come when it will pitifully break. The old stone gods will rise… and rub the dust of a thousand years from their eyes. And Thor, leaping forth with his giant hammer, will crush the Gothic Cathedrals!”

Heinrich Heine, Germany, 1834.

Paganism in Europe

French philosopher Alain de Benoist has rightly noticed (“The Way to be Pagans”, 1980) that Europe could not and will not return to Paganism, but rather that Paganism was inevitably returning to Europe. Paganism indeed has been returning to Europe, long before the twentieth century, long before Nietzsche and Wagner. Its return, noticed de Benoist, can be traced as far back as the days of the Renaissance and can be found in those magnificent paintings rich in infatuation and love with the Aryan mythos of Hellas, and thereby with the Ancient Pagan soul of Europe. Perhaps most modern historians have not taken notice of that evolution of Heathen creativity, but Christian priests have long ago manifested their concern, or, maybe, fear. Abbot J. Gamme wrote in his letter to Monsignor Dupanloup in 1852: “The Renaissance was the resurrection, the cult, the fanatical adoration of Paganism with all its literary, artistic, philosophical, moral and religious idols; the Renaissance engenders the Reform, the Reform engenders the Volterian impiety; this engenders the French Revolution, the French Revolution is the most devastating moral cataclysm ever seen!” Unrepentant before the evidence of the destruction they have caused, the real cataclysm of Western man soul, the warriors of the Semitic Yahweh seem to have done “mea culpas” over actions which may have just engaged in following natural instincts, while oblivious and even joyous over their own faults against Euromankind. Today, as Judaeo-Christianity finds itself immersed in a sea of confusion, division and desperation, the Ancient Gods of Europe enjoy a heroic, long awaited return, that not even the most ferocious renegade Caucasians can avert. From the ruins of shattered shrines to bedouinic deities, new realms will be built. Precisely because the priests of the cult of the cross fanatically incinerated our spiritual past in murderous raids, and as if defiant to history, they attempted to conceal it by building churches on top of the still smoky ruins of the treasures of our ancestors. The European Gods, those who belong only to Euromen, and those to whom only Euromen belong, have been witnesses of our rise to conquest, then our decay, and now they are watching us struggling back to recover the values of that which is eternal, the undying tribute to our blood.


Rosenberg and the Undying Heathen Soul

Those who seek out answers, not into the teachings of Moses, Abraham, or their apostolic inheritors, but into the evolution of our own biological reality through the mythos of the Ancient Gods, must refer to those great men who left us, in the form of books and artistic expressions, the fruit of entire lives dedicated to research our forbidden past. As the 20th century reaches its end, we find in the Euro-Heathen ranks an increasing number of freethinkers, philosophers, politicians, historians and others, working hard to reconstruct the original identity of our people. Names like Julius Evola (Italian philosopher, deceased in 1974) and Alain de Benoist are no longer souls navigating in a sea of intellectual solitude. Just before them, the World War II generation had taken great steps to bring us nearer to completion of this task. In 3rd Reich Germany, Heinrich Himmler (SS Reichsführer), and Walther Darré (Reichsminister of Agriculture) joined Alfred Rosenberg, quite conceivably the leading Pagan National Socialist theoretician, in defining with historical accuracy the soul of the Euroman. The National Socialist rise to power is a great example of that European will that defies oppression and censorship and finally, triumphs. Adolf Hitler, for example, was banned from access to the airwaves and could not use the German radio broadcasting system until after his becoming Chancellor of Germany, in January of 1933. In an article entitled “Germany and the Federation of Nations”, published on August 30, 1923, in the periodical Völkischer BeobachterRosenberg provides a brief description of the oppressive spirit of the times: “On June 15, the Israelitische Wochenblatt für die Schweiz demanded the prohibition of the sale of the well-known book of Henry Ford, Der internationale Jude. On June 23, already the Swiss federal railways issued a decree according to which the mentioned work may not be displayed any longer in the railway bookshops”. Today, over seventy years later, the shaping of the European culture encounters opposition from almost identical alien forces. Again, those working against the free trade of ideas are in our midst.

Alfred Rosenberg dedicated his life to bringing Europe in accordance with her history. In doing so, Rosenberg made friends and enemies, and with every day of work, he constructed his own life into a monument to the revival of the mythos, the man who will come.

Munich Putsch

An Eventful Life

Alfred Rosenberg was born on January 12, 1893, in the town of Reval (currently known as Tallinn) in Estonia, his father a man of German descent (most people in that area are of German extraction) and his mother Baltic. At a young age Rosenberg moved to Russia to complete his studies; he received his diploma in architecture from the University of Moscow in 1918. During those youthful years, Rosenberg was witness to one of the most dramatic events in modern history: the Bolshevik Revolution. Those days, according to most historians and personal accounts of men who knew Rosenberg in person, were fundamental in the shaping of his views on Communism and Judaism. The connection of Jews to Bolshevism was not only to be noticed by Nazis; Winston Churchill has written extensively on the {kinship of these two}; in America, government intelligence {agents wrote} numerous reports on the matter, and the {mainstream …ted media} from London and other major world capitals expressed concern over the Jewish-Bolshevik connection. Soon after graduation Rosenberg moved back to the Baltic, to Reval, where he volunteered in a failed grassroots effort to avert the expansion of Bolshevism. As the Red Army advanced with all its might over the fields of Estonia, Rosenberg left the country, arriving in Munich, along with many others, in 1919. Shortly after his arrival in Germany, a 26-year-old Rosenberg joined the Thule Gesellschaft, a small society of nationalistic well-to-do individuals that financed anti-Communist activism during the days of great political agitation. As if inevitable in the progression of his career, Rosenberg joined the NSDAP later that year as member number 625, shortly after meeting with Anton Drexler and Hitler. The new young member’s abilities were quickly noticed by the party leadership, and a little time later the responsibilities deposited on that man were significant. Hitler personally assigned Rosenberg to command the NSDAP, after receiving prison sentence from his involvement with the incidents of November 9, 1923. During the Führer’s imprisonment Rosenberg’s duties were performed efficiently.

The Idealistic Soul of Euromen

Rosenberg was well aware that idealism was a manifestation of the great racial barriers that separate Aryans from other forms of life. The pursuance of ideals and dreams, the selfless devotion to perfection and the intensity of will applied to goals that offer no economic reward, is vibrant and omnipresent in European culture, in contrast to non-Aryan peoples whose actions are motivated by the immediacy of food and shelter, those creatures who never looked up to the sky and never thought of flying. The myths that Ancient Pagans have forged, entirely out of their souls and nothing else, were the purest manifestations of the search for the ideal. In the Myth of the 20th Century, Rosenberg explains:

“Once men dreamed of an allseeing and allhearing Being. They called it Zeus. It gazed from the clouds of Olympus over the land, or, perhaps, as Argus. Only a few were bold enough to demand the same for men. But these few dreamers investigated the essence of the lightning-throwing god and examined the mysteriously unleashed natural forces. One day with the aid of these forces they spoke far apart with one another, linked only by a wire. Then even this wire was no longer necessary. Tall slender towers today send mysterious waves out into the entire world and these discharge themselves thousands of miles away as song or music. A bold dream became life and reality.”


Rosenberg’s Vision on Duty and Nation

It is frequently charged that National Socialism was another form of colonialism, and that the Germans aspired to rule the world in a sort of reviewed and renovated Anglo-French imperialistic style. That just was not the case. Just as Germanism could have never been implanted within the borders of China, so it was obvious that the Universalism brought upon us by Christians was unworkable, and that only by creating national and racial states, the peoples of this world were going to find themselves in their true identities. On June 2, 1924, the periodical Der Weltkampf published the article entitled “Jewish World Politics”, in which Rosenberg explains some of the National Socialist stand on foreign policy as follows:

“Not only individual men but also peoples find their personal lifeform only after many false paths. Wars and revolutions signify the signposts on which the changes in the inner spiritual attitude are to be read. We live today in one of the greatest ages of intellectual, political and economic transformations, that is, all peoples of the white race, although some seem still to slumber fully. The catastrophes which have been effected since 1914 and the throes still to come in world-political events are therefore so powerful because never before have the two old polar oppositions between the racial ideas and international worldview lain in such a strong, instinctive, but at the same time conscious, battle as today…”

“(Marxist agitator) Instead of setting up for him (contemporary man) as a goal a real homeland and the striving for a national culture, he increasingly freed him inwardly from his fathers, taught him to hate the history of his people and to believe in a nebulous ‘international’. This poisonous seed of hatred against one’s own people has perhaps been the greatest crime of Marxism against all nations…”

“As if by a natural law! For, every history is finally racial history. Race cannot be explained from the environment, for there will always remain an irresoluble remainder which is not to be resolved either by the climate nor by soil-constitution, nor by adaptation…”

“We are not dreamers and preach no ‘world peace’, and no eternal fraternalisation. But no matter what the future may bring – we strive with all the strength of our racial internal political and external political liberation from the immoral profiteering-state; liberation of our European racial consciousness with regard to the other races of the globe; the victory of an aristocratic idea over the sordid commercial mentality of the age that passes away at present. That is the world battle of today, the world-revolution of tomorrow, the war of which we do not know when it will be ended, which, however must be fought through, if Germany and the entire old Europe should not decay in the morass as so many peoples of ancient history did. That however a new conception of the world and the state could be born shows that the spiritual powers are still alive in us. It is important to listen to them, it is important to strengthen them, until the day of victory…”

“Germany for the Germans, China for the Chinese, that becomes the world-political view from the racial conception of the state.”


Rosenberg and the Cult of the Cross

Nietzsche’s condemnation of Christianity had reached new heights by 1895, as shown in Der Antichrist, the powerful book he released that year: “The Christian Church has left nothing untouched by its depravity, it has made of every value a disvalue, of every truth a lie, of every kind of integrity a vileness of soul”. The recognition of the Semitic Cult of the Cross as the most alien worldview ever to be embraced by Western societies is admitted today by traditionalists, in a returned, refreshing contemporary current among intellectuals in the Old World. The uprooting of our ancestral faiths by the “persuasive” powers of the stakes have left unerasable marks all over Europe. So fanatical was the subversion of our blood-values, that despite the thousands of individual executions and the numerous massacres perpetrated by the armies of the Church, the might of the myths remains today defiant to oblivion. Rosenberg’s awareness of the matter is as omnipresent as his Nietzschean influence. These few following words are just a brief example of the statements made “on the record” by the German philosopher: “Accordingly, the socalled Old Testament must be abolished once and for all as a book of religion. By this, the unsuccessful attempt of the last one and a half thousand years to make us spiritually into Jews will be eliminated… the movement is to be strengthened further by the removal of openly distorted and superstitious reports from the New Testament.”


An Honorable Life, an End with Honor

Rosenberg spent the last year of his life in the Spandau prison, in Germany, while the procedure known as the Nuremberg trial developed. About this, it is important to mention that the German defendants were charged with crimes which were nonexisting at the time of the Second World War, that the enactment of the laws applied to the German defendants have been signed only by the allied forces against the Third Reich and that in the Nuremberg Court the enemies of the Axis were simultaneously Judge and Prosecutors. Until the very last time he was allowed to speak on the record, Rosenberg displayed honor and loyalty to his cause. As expected, a guilty verdict and a death sentence was produced for Alfred Rosenberg and many others accussed: Reich Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop, Field Marshall Wilhelm Keitel, Governor-General Hans Frank, Interior Minister Wilhelm Frick, SS General Ernst Kaltenbrunner, newspaper publisher Julius Streicher, SS General Fritz Sauckel, General Alfred Jodl and Seiss-Inquart. The executions were performed by a Jewish-American hangman. The date of the executions coincided with the Jewish holiday of Purim, a biblical celebration of the extermination of the enemies of the Children of Zion, as depicted in the Book of Esther, Old Testament.


Published in: on June 25, 2018 at 2:24 am  Comments (4)  

Jewish Historian Says “easier to prove something did happen than did not”

Pictures like this are supposed to convince you that there is tons of evidence for the Holocaust. US Army staffers are organizing stacks of German documents collected by investigators in preparation for the 1946 International Military Tribunal.

By Carolyn Yeager

IT SHOULDN’T BE UP TO REVISIONISTS TO PROVE the Holocaust didn’t happen.

It is up to proponents of the Holocaust to prove that it did. Unfortunately for them, no proof exists though the believers believe that it does.

As a recent case in point, a Hebrew University historian has discovered that proving something did not happen is difficult. He says it’s because such proof is based on the absence of evidence rather than its presence.

Prof. Shaul Stampfer (above) has spent the last four years studying the Khazar Kingdom, seeking to discover whether the Ashkenazi Jews of Europe are descended from the Khazarians who are claimed by some to have converted to Judaism in the eighth century. This theory gained prominence when Tel Aviv professorShlomo Sand published his book “The Invention of the Jewish People” in 2008. The book became a best seller and was translated into several languages. Sand argued that Ashkenazi Jews had no connection to the so-called land of Israel.

Stampfer, who is considered an expert in Jewish history, analyzed material from various fields, but found no reliable source for the claim that the Khazars converted to Judaism. “There never was a conversion by the Khazar king or the Khazar elite,” he said. “The conversion of the Khazars is a myth with no factual basis.”

In an article published this month in the journal “Jewish Social Studies,”Stampfer concluded that there is no evidence to support the assertion. “Such a conversion, even though it’s a wonderful story, never happened,” Stampfer said.

As a historian, he said he was surprised to discover how hard it is to prove that something didn’t happen.

“Until now, most of my research has been aimed at discovering or clarifying what did happen in the past … It’s a much more difficult challenge to prove that something didn’t happen than to prove it did.

“The silence of so many sources about the Khazars’ Judaism is very suspicious. The Byzantines, the geonim [Jewish religious leaders of the sixth to eleventh centuries], the sages of Egypt – none of them have a word about the Jewish Khazars.”

Stampfer said his research had no political motives, though he recognizes that the topic is politically fraught. “It’s a really interesting historical question, but it has political implications,” he said. “As a historian, I’m naturally worried by the misuse of history. I think history should be removed from political discussions, but anyone who nevertheless wants to use history must at least present the correct facts. In this case, the facts are that the Khazars didn’t convert, the Jews aren’t descendants of the Khazars and the contemporary political problems between Israelis and Palestinians must be dealt with on the basis of current reality, not on the basis of a fictitious past.”

Holocaust yet to be proved

In like measure, the Jewish holocaust story has been presented as fact, and many have strong political reasons for upholding it. So even though the evidence that it did happen is not there, it’s difficult to convince people it didn’t happen once they are convinced it did.

When the Revisionist movement began to ask questions the upholders of the holocaust couldn’t answer (as in the Vidal-Naquet quote below), the upholders slapped the label “holocaust denier” on them and worked to get laws passed in order to scare them off and shut them up.

However, the simple fact is, there has never been a book or a court case that definitively demonstrated how, when and where, in real time, the events making up “the Holocaust” took place … including the famous International Military Tribunals. For example, mass murder by gassingthousands of persons at a time in assembly line fashion in rooms, the disposal of their poison-impregnated bodies immediately afterward by burning, and the subsequent disposal of mounds of ashes. Aerial photography taken at times when this was supposed to be happening do not show any evidence of such activity. In addition, no mass burial sites of corpses or ashes at these locations have been found.

This adds up to no forensic evidence for said crimes, only accusations and prejudiced witness testimony. The two prerequisites for any murder verdict—a dead body and a murder weapon—are missing.

Numerous weak excuses or explanations for this are given, which most people accept because they don’t want to challenge the whole belief structure, but they are definitely not adequate, especially for serious historians. For example, back in 1979 in France, a very famous historian answered this way:

One must not ask oneself how, technically, such a mass murder was possible. It was technically possible, since it happened. […] there may not be any debate on the existence of the gas chambers.” (P.Vidal-NaquetLe Monde)

This is shameful, but it passed without comment for political reasons. No ‘facts’ were presented by Vidal-Naquet, as Professor Stampfer says is necessary. As I’ve said, there is no hard evidence that backs up the three pillars of the Holocaust: the homicidal gas chambers (1) in which several million Jews were murdered (2) through a planned program of extermination by the Nazis (3). The only thing that happened was the decision to deport the Jews from Europe, then the later plan to put them in camps and the ultimate moving them about to various labor camps due to the ongoing world war. Most Jews survived the war and the camps and even the deportations. They survived better than the Germans did.

These facts are drowned out by the drum-beating, media-controlling Holocaust Lobby which is composed almost entirely of well-financed Jewish organizations. They also have way more influence over top government officials, including presidents and prime ministers, than they should have considering the minor importance of the issue and the very small population group it involves. This is how history becomes fraught with politics and is misused, as Prof. Stampfer warns.

If the Holocaust enforcers were forced to prove that the “murder of 6 million” actually happened instead of holocaust revisionists being forced to prove that it did not, this whole sleazy episode and all the misfortune it has brought in its wake would have been over long ago. We need to keep that firmly in mind.

Published in: on June 24, 2018 at 12:44 am  Leave a Comment  



In June 1923, seven months after the founding of the NSDAP Ortsgruppe Wolfenbüttel and a few days after the formation of the SA troop, the NSDAP were on a pilgrimage to Kneitlingen am Elm, where they were allowed to go public for the first time on a larger scale. As an occasion they used the celebration of the solstice, which committed the rural population for centuries according to the burning of large fires. This peasant tradition, which survived despite church prohibitions, marked the beginning of the harvest. The first cut of the grain and the introduction of the last sheaf were used by the “blood and soil”  National Socialists . The solstice celebrations and the following Thanksgiving festivals were especially well-kept celebrations during the year. The pompously organized until 1937 on the Bückeberg near Hameln, in which also farmers from the Wolfenbüttel region participated, served above all to honor the peasantry and to integrate it ideologically and politically in the movement.


A National Socialist chronicle reminiscent of this first solstice celebration, from which after 1933 a particularly well-groomed  holiday arose: “… we held together with the Wolfenbüttel party cooperative with the support of the then mayor Quidde In the special car on the last Saturday in June to Kneitlingen where the party member Klie had already lodged with the young SA men and made the necessary preparations: the men slept on straw in the barn, the women were quartered in the dance hall, and the Wolfenbüttel party members, who had already arrived, brought the Brunswicks together with the advance command in the great train from the station Kneitlingen, and in the dark it was the solstice fire.A large pile of wood with swastika was lit.The fire speech was delivered by our first Ortsgruppenführer Arthur Becker.The next day, Sunday, the march back over the Teztelstein themselves.”

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Ten years later, the old fighters remembered this formative event, in which the old ruffians had laid the “foundation stone of the movement for Lower Saxony.” In addition to Gauleiter Pg. Rust, the tireless drummer of the movement, the unforgettable Pg. Dinklage ten years ago in Kneitlingen, to create a foundation on which later could be built.This foundation, which has proven in the development history of the NSDAP, in the inner city of Lower Saxony and beyond reliable and indestructible, was made of trust “Tough endurance in battle and unconditional submission to the leader.”


In order to give the later added party members an impressive memory, the NSDAP cell Kneitlingen, which belonged organizationally to the Ortsgruppe Evessen, decided in agreement with the Kreisleitung Wolfenbüttel in 1933 to organize a jubilee Solstice celebration on a larger scale. The program envisaged the involvement of  leaders of the Free State and other party leaders: Prime Minister Klagges, Minister of State Alpers, the State Councilors Schmidt-Bodenstedt and Bertram, the SA-Oberführer Sauke and the SS section leader Mark. The organization of the spectacle got the magistrates of the circles Braunschweig and Wolfenbüttel under participation of the SA standard 46. For the supply and removal of the member sets drive special trains; and so that every simple party member “could once experience the joys and sorrows of accommodation such as the SA man had so often,” simple mass quarters had been established.

Kneitlinger farmers provided their meadows, on which three large dance tents were built. A specially made badge, which could be purchased in the party offices, was used to finance the mass event. The Schöppenstedter Elm-Zeitung reported on “thousands of National Socialists” who had come to the festively decorated Kneitlingen: “Fir and birch trees adorned the houses, the village streets were adorned with the flags of Adolf Hitler.” The celebrations began with the tribute of the fallen and the dead of the war memorial. Pastor Teichmann preached before the flag delegations, the SA Ehrensturm and the local council: “Today we stand for the first time at this war memorial and need not be ashamed, because by Adolf Hitler we have brought it so far that we again before our dead, the fallen in our sense, may come. “

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“We are all free, but we see in service
More freedom than in your own commands.
We sit at the desk and on machines,
Are hundreds of thousands – and only one soul.
We are the heretics and the deep pious,
Today, yesterday and the big coming. “

said a men’s and young people’s choir a pledge –

“I swear, O Fatherland,
With a bare sword in a firm hand,
At the altar holy shrine,
To be faithful to death.

I swear to you, O freedom too,
To serve until the last breath
With heart and soul, courage and blood;
You are the man’s highest ember.

You’re in the sky above,
directing the sun and holding hearts,
O God, o help me,
Since I hold it true and true. “


Now ten front soldiers in steel helmets and cloaks faced the spectators. Under green spotlight, they recited Part 6, “The Seed Goes On”:

“And from the graves the seeds
catch up on acts:
Fruit is you and I am.
Hills become altars,
and like the flowering spike
I serve too

A male choir slowly stepped on the stage and spoke the death suit:

“Now they have buried
My blond boy
So far, so far from here.
I could not embrace him,
He died
No greetings from me.
But if he came back
And then as you would then
So proud the sword at hand:
In painful comprehension
I would leave him again
For the holy Fatherland. “

From the right, torches carrying youth groups marched in singing:

“We are sent to foment fire,
To stir drum in the German country!
Because never again rotten, what is hot packed us:
Young Hearts hammering in sacred beat. “

When the male choir sang:

“All bondage has disappeared,
German blood has found
Disgrace and shame separated “


The stage area of the NSDAP Thingstätte on Heidelberg’s Holy Mountain, opened on the summer solstice in 1935. The stage was designed to allow huge numbers of actors to appear on it, and for torches and flags to be displayed.

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After the command “Fire up!” The Hitler Youth fired the pile of wood in front of the Lessingtheater and ignited the flames. Six girls of the BDM each presented a wreath “in honor of the fallen of the world war and the movement.” Under a slight drum roll, a Nazi leader spoke these warnings:
“For German unity: whoever disturbs them is our enemy!
For the German honor: Who stains them, meet our revenge.
For German loyalty to leaders people and empire. Who breaks them, let them fall through our hands. “
In order to get the youth accustomed to murder and manslaughter early enough, Hitler Youth and young people spoke:

“We boys, we love Germany,
We have written a word on the flag.
Burning is supposed to do everything
What cowardly and bad
From blood and soil
It’s our right.
The common should blaze
In bright flames,
Beat everything bad
And brash together. “


Published in: on June 23, 2018 at 1:33 am  Comments (1)  

Adolf Hitler on ‘War Propaganda’



Germany was waging war for its very existence. The purpose of its war propaganda should have been to strengthen the fighting spirit in that struggle, and to help bring about victory.

But when nations are fighting for their existence on this earth, when the fateful question of “to be or not to be” must be answered, then all humane and aesthetic considerations must be set aside. These ideals don’t float about in the air, but are the product of man’s creative imagination; they disappear when he disappears. Nature knows nothing of them. Moreover, they are characteristic of only a small number of nations—or rather, of races—and their value depends on the degree to which they spring from the national or racial feeling. Humane and aesthetic ideals will disappear from the inhabited earth when those races that created and upheld them disappear.


Moltke [Helmuth von, 1800-1891, Prussian military chief of staff] stated that in time of war, one must reach the quickest decision, and that the most ruthless methods of fighting are also the most humane.

When people attempt to answer this reasoning with nonsense about aesthetics and so on, only one answer can be given: that the vital questions involved in the struggle of a nation for its existence must not be subordinated to aesthetic considerations. The yoke of slavery is and always will remain the most unpleasant experience that mankind can endure.


During the war, propaganda was a means to an end. And this end was the struggle for existence of the German nation. Propaganda, therefore, should have been regarded from the standpoint of its usefulness for that purpose. […] And only those methods were good and beautiful that helped secure the dignity and freedom of the nation. […] If those so-called responsible authorities had realized this, there would have been no uncertainty about the form and use of war propaganda as a weapon; it is nothing but a weapon, and indeed a most terrifying weapon in the hands of those who know how to use it.



The purpose of propaganda is not the personal instruction of the individual, but rather to attract public attention to certain things—the importance of which can be impressed upon the masses only by this means.

The art of propaganda consists in putting a matter so clearly and forcibly that it creates a general conviction regarding the reality, necessity, and justice of a certain essential thing. […] It must appeal to the feelings of the public rather than to their so-called rationality. […] When it’s a question of bringing a whole nation within the circle of its influence—as in the case of war propaganda—then great care must be taken to avoid a high level, which presupposes a relatively high degree of intelligence among the public.



The receptive powers of the masses are very restricted, and their understanding is feeble. On the other hand, they quickly forget. Such being the case, an effective propaganda must be confined to a few bare essentials, and those must be expressed in stereotyped formulas. These slogans should be persistently repeated until the very last individual has come to grasp the idea that has been put forth.


It was, for example a fundamental mistake to riducule the value of the enemy, as the Austrian and German comic papers did. The very principle here is a mistaken one. When they came face to face with the enemy, our soldiers had quite a different impression. Therefore, the mistake had disastrous results. Once the German soldier realized what a tough enemy he had to fight, he felt that he had been deceived by the makers of his information. Instead of strengthening and stimulating his fighting spirit, this information had quite the opposite effect. Finally he lost heart.

On the other hand, British and American war propaganda was psychologically efficient. By representing the Germans to their own people as barbarians and Huns, they were preparing their soldiers for the horrors of war, and safeguarding them against illusions. The most terrible weapons that those soldiers encountered in the field merely confirmed the information that they had already received, and their belief in the truth of the assertions made by their governments was accordingly reinforced. And their rage and hatred against the vile enemy was increased. The terrible havoc caused by the German weapons of war was only another illustration of the ‘Hunnish’ brutality of the barbarians; and their soldiers had no time to consider the fact that their own weapons were capable of an equal degree of terror.


All this was the result of the idea that any old simpleton—or anyone who was intelligent about ‘other things’—could be entrusted with propaganda work.


[…] Propaganda must not investigate the truth objectively and, insofar as it is favorable to the other side, present it according to the academic fairness; it must present only that which is favorable to its own side.

It was a fundamental mistake to discuss the question of who was responsible for the outbreak of the war, and to declare that the sole responsibility could not be attributed to Germany. Sole responsibility should have been laid squarely on the shoulders of the enemy, without any discussion as to whether this was true or not.

[…] The broad masses … are a vacillating, child-like crowd who are constantly wavering between one idea and another. […] The masses are in no position to discern where the enemy’s injustice ends and where ours begins. In such a case, they become hesitant and distrustful, especially when the enemy doesn’t make the same mistake, but heaps all the blame on the other side.

Could there be any clearer proof than the fact that our own people believed the enemy’s propaganda, which was uniform and consistent, rather than its own? And that, of course, was increased by the German mania for objectivity! Everybody became so careful about doing an injustice to the enemy, even at the cost of seriously injuring or ruining his own people and state.


Propaganda must be limited to a few simple themes, and these must be represented again and again. Here, as in many other cases, perseverance is the first and most important condition for success.

Published in: on June 19, 2018 at 8:22 am  Comments (1)  

Fox News Series On Problems Hasidic Jews Bring To the U.S. Communities


Some members of the East Ramapo (NY) Central School District Board of Education on which Orthodox Jews are a majority. 

Part 2           Part 3

By Carollyn Yeager

FOX NEWS PUBLISHED ON MONDAY THE first of three articles promised on this subject that I have covered extensively in around 10 or so articles. I give it high marks for a mainstream source. Written by Fox senior reporter Elizabeth Llorente, it doesn’t flinch or back down from most of the touchy issues associated with Orthodox Hasidic Jewry. I encourage everyone to read it hereThere are a couple of worthwhile videos you can watch too. And the comments are of course interesting.

However, it’s suspicious they came out with this on the day of Trump’s North Korea summit meeting, meaning it’s already pushed completely out of the headlines. The Jewish Lobby has no doubt been at work to minimize its impact. Still, I’ll play it up here and you can do the same wherever you can find space to give a link to it.

The article begins by observing that unusually large family size is a distinguishing mark of Orthodox Jewry—with 10 children per family not being unusual. Combine this with a poor secular education, early marriage and the tradition of young men remaining in full-time religious Talmudic study until their Thirties, and you get communities with the highest rates of welfare assistance, subsidized housing, food stamps and Medicaid. Indeed, the all-Hasidic village of New Square, north of New York City has 77 percent of residents receiving food stamps in order to eat, the highest rate in the U.S.

Poverty rates in communities with concentrations of Hasidic Jews

District                   Pop.         % in poverty      Median h/h income

Borough Park, NY .. 105,913   20.6% ……..      $36,893

Lakewood, NJ …….  100,758   31.5% ……..      $42,993

Spring Valley, NY …  32,603    26.4% ……..      $45,355

New Square, NY ……. 8357     70% ……..         $21,773

Kiryas Joel, NY …….  23,094    55.7% ……..     $26,341

Williamsburg, NY ……17,965    53.2% ……..     $23,188

Percent households receiving food stamps/SNAP in the past 12 months: US: 13% ; NJ 9.3%; NY 15.4%

Median household income in 2016 dollars: US $55, 322; NJ: $73,702; NY: $60,741

Isaac Abraham, advocate for Hasidic communities, says those who complain about the Orthodox are “none other than racist low-life bastards.” (Photo:Benjamin Nazario)

The article does point out that the biggest culprit in allowing this to go on are politicians who know these groups’ power to deliver huge, uncontested blocs of election-altering votes.

Naftuli Moster, a reformer who grew up in a Hasidic home as one of 17 children, said that “for the sake of votes, too many political leaders have turned a blind eye” to the problems caused by these communities as well as the problems within them.

“They know how to game the system,” said Samuel C. Heilman, a sociology professor at Queens College of the City University of New York.  “They know the ins and outs, or they get professionals and find out how to apply for things like Section 8 housing subsidies. It’s usually done legally.”

Heilman also said, “They’ll do what rabbis tell them to do because they’ll get assistance.

Gentile groups who go up against the Orthodox Jews never seem to win. The charge of racism, antisemitism and religious intolerance is usually used against them.The answer given by Isaac Abraham, an advocate for the Hasidic community in Williamsburg, is that others should accept that the group is growing and will look out for its own best interests.

“If these little towns want to putz around with racism, no problem,” Abraham said. “We have and we shall overcome them. … They’ll be running for cover, because the lawsuits will be coming.”

Part 2 was published already on Tuesday: Hasidic Leaders sharply limit members’ web, smartphone use: “It’s like we’re in North Korea”

To Orthodox Jews, there is no need to surf the Internet or explore a marketplace of ideas, because the truth is right there in the Torah.

Part 3  Community in Conflict: Hasidic Jews and Defection. It was really hard for me to find this today (Wednesday). It is not featured on the ‘front page’; only by clicking on the reporter’s name on Part 1 did I discover it. Were the lawsuits threatened? Did Fox News run for cover? This seems to me the most sensitive topic of all, so it’s possible Fox was worried about it.

Published in: on June 14, 2018 at 9:43 am  Leave a Comment  

Adolf Hitler on ‘The World War’ part 3


Hitler ends this chapter on the World War by describing why Marxism could not be defeated by Social Democracy, which he also did not like. His dismay at the outcome for Germany forced him to look for solutions and to consider going into politics after the war.


Naturally I was distressed at the half-measures that were adopted at that time; but I never thought it possible that the final consequences could have been so disastrous.

But what should have been done? Throw the ringleaders into jail, prosecute them, and rid the nation of them. Uncompromising military measures should have been adopted to root out [Ausrottung] this pestilence. Parties should have been abolished, and the Reichstag brought to its senses at the point of the bayonet, if necessary—or better still, immediately dissolved. […]

Of course, this suggestion would give rise to the question: Is it possible to eradicate [ausrotten] ideas with the sword? Can a worldview be attacked by means of force?

[…] I came to the following fundamental conclusion: Ideas and philosophical systems, as well as movements grounded on a definite spiritual foundation, whether true or not, can never be broken by the use of force after a certain stage, except on one condition: namely, that this use of force is in the service of a new creative idea or worldview.

The application of force alone, without moral support based on a spiritual concept, can never bring about the destruction of an idea [Vernichtung einer Idee] or halt its propagation—unless one is willing to ruthlessly root out (Ausrottung) its last remaining defenders, and also to destroy any remaining tradition. […]

But experience has shown that […] every persecution that is unsupported by spiritual motives is morally unjust; it raises opposition among the best elements of the population—to the point that they are driven to champion the very ideas that are unjustly persecuted.


[…] Every worldview, whether religious or political—and it’s sometimes hard to differentiate the two—fights not so much for the negative destruction of the opposing world of ideas as for the positive realization of its own ideas.

Inversely, it’s difficult to say when the negative aim of the destruction of a hostile doctrine is achieved. For this reason alone, an aggressive worldview is more powerful and decisive in action than one that takes up a merely defensive attitude. If force is used to combat a spiritual power, that force remains a defensive measure, as long as its advocates aren’t the standard-bearers and apostles of a new spiritual doctrine.

To sum up, we can establish the following: That every attempt to combat a worldview by means of force will turn out futile in the end, if the struggle fails to take the form of an offensive for the establishment of an entirely new spiritual attitude.

This is why the fight against Marxism failed.


The more I examined the need for a change in the government’s attitude towards Social Democracy as the embodiment of contemporary Marxism, the more I realized the lack of a practical substitute for this doctrine. Supposing Social Democracy were overthrown, what would be offered to the masses instead? There wasn’t one movement in existence that promised any success in attracting large numbers of workers who are presently leaderless. It is nonsensical to imagine that the international fanatic who has just severed his connection with a class party would henceforth join a bourgeois party—or in other words, another class organization.

Generally speaking, one should guard against considering the masses as stupider than they really are. In political matters, it often happens that feeling is a better judge than intellect. But the idea that this stupid international attitude of the masses is sufficient proof of their unsoundness is refuted by the simple fact that pacifist democracy is no less insane, even though it draws its supporters almost exclusively from bourgeois circles. As long as millions of citizens daily swallow what the Jewish democratic press tells them, they are in no position to joke about the stupidity of the ‘comrades’—who, in the end swallow the same garbage, though in a different form. In both cases, the maker is one and the same Jew.


In 1914, a fight against Social Democracy was indeed quite conceivable. But the lack of any practical substitute made it doubtful how long the fight could be kept up.

In this respect, there was a gaping void.

Long before the war, I was of the same opinion. This was why I couldn’t decide to join any of the existing parties. During the course of the World War, my conviction was still further confirmed by the obvious impossibility of fighting Social Democracy in anything like a thorough way. This would have required a movement that was something more than a mere ‘parliamentary’ party.

I frequently discussed this with my intimate comrades. And it was then that I first thought of taking up political work later on. I often assured my friends that, after the war, I intended to become a speaker, in addition to my professional work.


Published in: on June 8, 2018 at 1:07 am  Leave a Comment  

Adolf Hitler on ‘The World War’ part 2


In the following two selections from Chapter 5, Hitler points out how the defeatist elements in German society sought to undermine the war effort. These Jewish Marxist elements, because they were not stamped out, were able to bring about the post-war communist revolutions in Bavaria and elsewhere, and also World War II.


I was a soldier then, and didn’t really want to meddle in politics—all the more so because the time was inopportune. I still believe that the humblest stable-boy of those days served his country better than the best of, let’s say, our ‘parliamentarians.’ My hatred for those big-mouths was never greater than in the days when all decent men who had anything to say, said it point-blank to the enemy’s face, or else, failing this, kept their mouths shut and did their duty elsewhere. Yes, I hated all those politicians,. And if I had my say, I would have formed them into a labor battalion and given them the opportunity to babble amongst themselves all they liked, without offense or harm to decent people.

In those days, I cared nothing for politics. But I couldn’t help forming an opinion on certain manifestations that affected not only the whole nation but also us soldiers in particular.

There were two things that caused me the greatest anxiety at that time, and which I had come to regard as harmful.

First: Shortly after our first series of victories, a certain section of the press already began to throw cold water, drip by drip, on public enthusiasm. At first this wasn’t obvious. It was done under the mask of good intentions and solicitude. The public was told that big victory celebrations were somewhat out of place, and weren’t worthy expressions of the spirit of a great nation. The fortitude and valor of German soldiers were accepted facts that didn’t necessarily call for celebration. Furthermore, foreign opinion would have much to say about such activities. It would react better to a quiet and sober form of celebration rather than to a bunch of wild jubilation. Surely the time had come for us Germans to remember that this war was not our doing, and thus that we should always be willing to contribure our share to a reconciliation of mankind. For this reason, it wouldn’t be wise to besmirch the radiant deeds of our army with unbecoming jubilation; the rest of the world would never understand this. Furthermore, nothing is more appreciated than the modesty with which a true hero quietly and unassumingly carries on—and willingly forgets the past. Such was the gist of their warning.

Instead of taking these fellows by their long ears, dragging them to some ditch, and stringing them up on a rope—so that the victorious enthusiasms of the nation would no longer offend the aesthetic sensibilities of these knights of the pen—a general campaign was conducted against what was called “unseemly” forms of celebration.

No one seemed to have the faintest idea that once public enthusiasm is damped, nothing can spark it again, when the need arises. It’s an intoxication, and must be maintained in that form. Without the power of the enthusiastic spirit, how would it be possible to endure a struggle that made such immense demands on the spiritual qualities of the nation?

I was only too well acquainted with the psychology of the broad masses not to know that, in such cases, a high aesthetic tone cannot fan the fire enough to keep the iron hot. In my eyes, it was even a mistake not to have tried to raise the pitch of public enthusiasm higher still. Therefore, I couldn’t at all understand why they adopted the opposite policy—that is, of damping the public spirit.


The second thing that irritated me was the manner in which Marxism was regarded and accepted. In my eyes, all this proved how little they knew about this plague. It was believed, in all seriousness, that the abolition of party distinctions during the war made Marxism a mild and moderate thing.

But this was no question of party. It was a matter of a doctrine that must lead to the destruction of all humanity. The intention of this doctrine was misunderstood because nothing was said about it in our Jew-ridden universities, and because our arrogant bureaucratic officials didn’t think it worthwhile to study a subject that wasn’t included in the university curriculum. This mighty revolutionary trend was going right in front of them, but those ‘intellectuals’ didn’t pay any attention. That’s why state institutions nearly always lag behind private enterprises. It is to such people, by God, that the maxim applies: ‘What the peasant doesn’t know, won’t bother him.” Here, too, a few exceptions only confirm the rule.

In August of 1914, the German worker was looked upon as a Marxist. That was absurd. When those fateful hours dawned, the German worker shook off the poisonous clutches of that plague; otherwise he wouldn’t have been so ready and willing to fight. People were stupid enough to imagine that Marxism had now become ‘national’—another demonstration of the fact that the authorities never took the trouble to study the essence of Marxist teaching. If they had done so, they never would have made such foolish errors.

Marxism—whose final objective was, is, and will continue to be the destruction of all non-Jewish national states—saw in those days of July 1914 how the German working classes were aroused by a national spirit, and rapidly entered the service of the Fatherland. Within a few days, the deceptive smoke-screen of that infamous national betrayal vanished into thin air, and the gang of Jewish bosses suddenly found themselves alone and deserted. It was as if no vestige remained of the folly and madness that was foisted upon the mass of the German people for 60 years. That was a bad day for the betrayers of the German working class. The moment, however, that the leaders recognized the danger that threatened them, they pulled the magic cap of deceit over their ears, and insolently mimicked the national awakening.

The time had come for taking action against these Jewish poisoners of the people. That was the time to deal with them, regardless of any whining or protestation. At one stroke, in August of 1914, all the empty nonsense about international solidarity was knocked out of the heads of the German working classes. A few weeks later, instead of this stupid talk ringing in their ears, they heard the noise of American-made shrapnel bursting over the heads of the marching columns; there was your ‘international brotherhood.’ Now that the German worker had rediscovered the road to nationhood, it should have been the duty of any caring government to mercilessly root out the agitators who were misleading the nation.

(… die Verhetzer dieses Volkstums unbarmherzig auszurotten.)  In this case, a form of the verb  ‘ausrotten’ is used for ‘root out.’  While in the next paragraph, ‘vertilgen’ is used as ‘exterminate.’ Vertilgen was never used by Hitler, Himmler or Goebbels in speaking about the Jews that I know of.

If the best were dying at the front, the least we could do is to exterminatethe vermin. (… dann konnte man zu Hause wenigstens das Ungeziefervertilgen.) 

Instead, His Majesty the Kaiser held out his hand to these old criminals, thus sparing these treacherous murderers of the nation and allowing them to regain their composure.

-This is the mistake we still make today, even worse than ever, ‘we’ including even White Nationalists who cower at being called names or considered as too ‘exclusive’ (ie supremacist). By not tackling the problem at the time, not believing its virulence, it is now even more deeply rooted in our societies, harder than ever to eradicate.

And so the viper could begin his work again—this time, more carefully than before, but even more destructively. While honest people dreamt of reconciliation, these perjured criminals were organizing a revolution.


Published in: on June 6, 2018 at 7:58 am  Leave a Comment  

6 Juni 1944

The Beast of Omaha Beach: Heirich Severloh


Heirich Severloh took 40 years to begin to process what happened to him on Omaha Beach. He had taken up a concealed position on the eastern side of the beach along with 30 other German soldiers, and he recalls watching the horizon turn black with dozens of ships and landing craft racing for the shore. His commanding officer, Lt. Bernhard Frerking, had told him not to open fire until the enemy reached knee-deep level, where he could get a full view.
“What came to mind was, ‘Dear God, why have you abandoned me?’ ” he recalled. “I wasn’t afraid. My only thought was, ‘How can I get away from here?’ ”
But rather than run, Severloh slipped the first belt of ammunition into his MG-42 machine gun and opened fire. He could see men spinning, bleeding and crashing into the surf, while others ripped off their heavy packs, threw away their carbines and raced for the shore. But there was little shelter there. Severloh said he would occasionally put down the machine gun and use his carbine to pick off individual men huddled on the beach. He is still haunted by a soldier who was loading his rifle when Severloh took aim at his chest. The bullet went high and hit the man in the forehead.
“The helmet fell and rolled over in the sand,” Severloh said. “Every time I close my eyes, I can see it.”

“There were small pauses, when no landing craft came, when I could cool
down the machine gun.” His weapon became so hot it burned the grass around him. But they still came on, wave after wave disgorged from the landing craft that made it

“I remember the first to die” said 80 year old Mr Severloh at his home
near Hanover. “The man came out of the sea. He was looking for somewhere
to hide. I shot him in the head. I saw his steel helmet roll into the sea. Then he
dropped. I knew he was dead. What could I do? Them or me- that’s what I


Rommel ” the enemy has to be stopped on the beach… if not …the war’s over

For the next nine hours in machine gun nest 62, Corporal Severloh sprayed
the beach with his MG-42. His position 75ft above the broad sands gave him
a perfect field of vision and fire.

Corporal Severloh had 12,000 rounds for his machine gun.
“I started shooting at 5am,” he said. “I was still shooting nearly nine
hours later. There was no panic, no hate. One did what one had to do and knew that they
as sure as hell would be doing it to you if they got the chance”

“At first the corpses were 500 metres away, then 400, then 150. There was
blood everywhere, screams, dead and dying. The swell of the sea bobbed
more bodies onto the beach.”

Severloh said he was the last man firing from his position. By mid-afternoon, his right shoulder was swollen and his slender fingers were numb from constant firing.

“In the early afternoon, I realised I was the last person still firing. I
could see tanks manouvering on the beach and knew that I couldn’t hold
them alone.”

“I heard an order to shouted by Lieutenant Ferking-a fine fellow and, at
32, a veteran-that we should retreat.”

“I ran from bomb crater to bomb crater behind our bunker complex. I waited
but he never came.”

“I visited his grave in Normandy ten years after the war. He took a head
shot from one of the Americans as he tried to follow me. I was taken
prisoner that night. I don’t think I would have survived had I been
captured at my post.”

“They knew what I had done to their friends. I don’t think those
first-wave troops would have shown me any mercy.”

Some 2,300 Americans died on ‘Bloody Omaha’ before overwhelming the German

Mr Severloh was sent as a PoW to America and put to work picking cotton
and potatoes before returning to Germany in 1947 to resume his pre-war
life in farming.

Through his many visits back to Normandy he became friends with visiting
American veterans, and realised they has christened him The Beast of Omaha
Beach. One veteran, David Silva, who took three bullets in the chest that
day-possibly fired by Severloh-became his close friend.

“I told David how I had dreams about two men that day-the first American I
killed and Lieutenant Ferking,” he said. “The memories make me cry.”




Published in: on June 6, 2018 at 7:47 am  Leave a Comment  

Ukraine Opens Criminal Probe Against 94-year-old Jewish WWII hero

In an unprecedented move, Ukrainian authorities are opening a criminal investigation into 94-year-old Jewish WWII hero, Col. Boris Steckler, who is accused of having killed a German collaborator.

Col. Boris Steckler was warned that he is expected to stand trial for killing a Ukrainian nationalist in 1952.


Col. Boris Steckler

Col. Boris Steckler

Steckler was a senior officer in the Soviet Army and after the war was appointed as an officer in the KGB and was responsible for capturing Germans and collaborators in western Ukraine.

During a battle in the Rivne Oblast in western Ukraine, Steckler was involved in a confrontation with nationalists who cooperated with the Germans. During the confrontation, a man by the name of Neil Hasiewicz, who was a  district judge during the war, was shot and killed.

Local nationalist groups recently filed a complaint against Steckler, accusing him of responsibility for the assassination of Hasiewicz—a fact that Steckler does not deny.

Sketch of Neil Hasiewicz

Sketch of Neil Hasiewicz






Published in: on June 5, 2018 at 10:12 am  Leave a Comment  

Adolf Hitler on ‘The World War’


We now move on to Chapter 5: The World War. Hitler had been living and working in Munich for two and a half years when the war came. He tells how the situation appeared to him and how that led him to enlist at the first opportunity. His  of multiculturalism continues to be part of his thinking.


The moment the news of the assassination [of Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie -cy] reached Munich, two thoughts came into my mind. First, that war was absolutely inevitable, and second, that the Habsburg State would now be forced to honor its alliance. What I had most feared was that one day Germany itself, perhaps as a result of the alliance, would become involved in a conflict not directly caused by Austria. In this case, Austria might not be able to muster the will to fight on behalf of its ally. The Slavic majority in the empire would have immediately begun to undermine any such intentions, and would have always preferred to shatter the entire state rather than to aid its ally. But now this danger was removed. The old state was compelled to fight, whether it wished to or not.

My own attitude towards the conflict was equally simple and clear. I believed that it wasn’t a case of Austria fighting to get satisfaction from Serbia, but rather a case of Germany fighting for her own existence—for the life or death of the German nation, for its freedom and for its future. Bismarck’s work must now be carried on. Young Germany must show itself worthy of the blood shed by our fathers on so many heroic battlefields from Weissenburg to Sedan and Paris. And if this struggle should bring us victory, our people will again rank foremost among the great nations. Only then could the German Reich assert itself as the mighty champion of peace, without needing to restrict the daily bread of its children for the sake of maintaining the peace.


I left Austria principally for political reasons. Even more rational, however, was that, now that the war had begun, that I should put into practice the logical consequences of my political opinions! I had no desire to fight for the Habsburg cause, but I was prepared to die at any time for my own people and the Reich to which they belonged.



After four days in the trenches, we came back. Even our step had changed. Boys of 17 now looked like men.

The volunteers of the List Regiment may not have learned how to fight properly, but they knew how to die like old soldiers.

That was the beginning.

And thus we carried on from year to year. A feeling of horror replaced the romantic fighting spirit. Enthusiasm gradually cooled down, and exuberant spirits were quelled by the fear of ever-present death. A time came for each of us to experience the conflict between the urge to self-preservation and the call of duty. I, too, had to go through that conflict. As death unrelentingly sought its prey everywhere, a vague something rebelled within the body. It tried to pass as common sense; but in reality, it was fear. Fear took on this cloak in order to impose itself on the individual. Yet the more this voice called for caution, and the louder and more persistent its demands, the stronger our resistance became. Finally, the internal struggle was over, and the call of duty was triumphant. By the winter of 1915-1916, I had come through that inner struggle. My will had asserted its indisputable mastery.

In the early days, I went into the fight with a cheer and a laugh. Now, however, I was calm and resolute. And that frame of mind endured. Fate could now put me to the final test without my nerves or reason giving way.

The young volunteer had become an old soldier

This same transformation took place throughout the whole army. Constant fighting had aged, toughened, and hardened it, so that it stood firm and dauntless against every assault.

Only now is it possible to judge that army. After two or three years of continuous fighting and having been thrown into one battle after another, bravely facing superior numbers and superior armament, suffering hunger and privation, the time had come when one could assess the value of that singular fighting force.

For a thousand years to come, no one will dare to speak of heroism without recalling the German Army of the World War. And then, from the dim past, there will emerge an immortal vision of those solid ranks of steel helmets that never flinched and never faltered. As long as Germans live, they will be proud to remember that these men were the sons of their people.


‘The World War’ to be continued

Published in: on June 5, 2018 at 9:37 am  Leave a Comment