Fox News Series On Problems Hasidic Jews Bring To the U.S. Communities


Some members of the East Ramapo (NY) Central School District Board of Education on which Orthodox Jews are a majority. 

Part 2           Part 3

By Carollyn Yeager

FOX NEWS PUBLISHED ON MONDAY THE first of three articles promised on this subject that I have covered extensively in around 10 or so articles. I give it high marks for a mainstream source. Written by Fox senior reporter Elizabeth Llorente, it doesn’t flinch or back down from most of the touchy issues associated with Orthodox Hasidic Jewry. I encourage everyone to read it hereThere are a couple of worthwhile videos you can watch too. And the comments are of course interesting.

However, it’s suspicious they came out with this on the day of Trump’s North Korea summit meeting, meaning it’s already pushed completely out of the headlines. The Jewish Lobby has no doubt been at work to minimize its impact. Still, I’ll play it up here and you can do the same wherever you can find space to give a link to it.

The article begins by observing that unusually large family size is a distinguishing mark of Orthodox Jewry—with 10 children per family not being unusual. Combine this with a poor secular education, early marriage and the tradition of young men remaining in full-time religious Talmudic study until their Thirties, and you get communities with the highest rates of welfare assistance, subsidized housing, food stamps and Medicaid. Indeed, the all-Hasidic village of New Square, north of New York City has 77 percent of residents receiving food stamps in order to eat, the highest rate in the U.S.

Poverty rates in communities with concentrations of Hasidic Jews

District                   Pop.         % in poverty      Median h/h income

Borough Park, NY .. 105,913   20.6% ……..      $36,893

Lakewood, NJ …….  100,758   31.5% ……..      $42,993

Spring Valley, NY …  32,603    26.4% ……..      $45,355

New Square, NY ……. 8357     70% ……..         $21,773

Kiryas Joel, NY …….  23,094    55.7% ……..     $26,341

Williamsburg, NY ……17,965    53.2% ……..     $23,188

Percent households receiving food stamps/SNAP in the past 12 months: US: 13% ; NJ 9.3%; NY 15.4%

Median household income in 2016 dollars: US $55, 322; NJ: $73,702; NY: $60,741

Isaac Abraham, advocate for Hasidic communities, says those who complain about the Orthodox are “none other than racist low-life bastards.” (Photo:Benjamin Nazario)

The article does point out that the biggest culprit in allowing this to go on are politicians who know these groups’ power to deliver huge, uncontested blocs of election-altering votes.

Naftuli Moster, a reformer who grew up in a Hasidic home as one of 17 children, said that “for the sake of votes, too many political leaders have turned a blind eye” to the problems caused by these communities as well as the problems within them.

“They know how to game the system,” said Samuel C. Heilman, a sociology professor at Queens College of the City University of New York.  “They know the ins and outs, or they get professionals and find out how to apply for things like Section 8 housing subsidies. It’s usually done legally.”

Heilman also said, “They’ll do what rabbis tell them to do because they’ll get assistance.

Gentile groups who go up against the Orthodox Jews never seem to win. The charge of racism, antisemitism and religious intolerance is usually used against them.The answer given by Isaac Abraham, an advocate for the Hasidic community in Williamsburg, is that others should accept that the group is growing and will look out for its own best interests.

“If these little towns want to putz around with racism, no problem,” Abraham said. “We have and we shall overcome them. … They’ll be running for cover, because the lawsuits will be coming.”

Part 2 was published already on Tuesday: Hasidic Leaders sharply limit members’ web, smartphone use: “It’s like we’re in North Korea”

To Orthodox Jews, there is no need to surf the Internet or explore a marketplace of ideas, because the truth is right there in the Torah.

Part 3  Community in Conflict: Hasidic Jews and Defection. It was really hard for me to find this today (Wednesday). It is not featured on the ‘front page’; only by clicking on the reporter’s name on Part 1 did I discover it. Were the lawsuits threatened? Did Fox News run for cover? This seems to me the most sensitive topic of all, so it’s possible Fox was worried about it.

Published in: on June 14, 2018 at 9:43 am  Leave a Comment  

Adolf Hitler on ‘The World War’ part 3


Hitler ends this chapter on the World War by describing why Marxism could not be defeated by Social Democracy, which he also did not like. His dismay at the outcome for Germany forced him to look for solutions and to consider going into politics after the war.


Naturally I was distressed at the half-measures that were adopted at that time; but I never thought it possible that the final consequences could have been so disastrous.

But what should have been done? Throw the ringleaders into jail, prosecute them, and rid the nation of them. Uncompromising military measures should have been adopted to root out [Ausrottung] this pestilence. Parties should have been abolished, and the Reichstag brought to its senses at the point of the bayonet, if necessary—or better still, immediately dissolved. […]

Of course, this suggestion would give rise to the question: Is it possible to eradicate [ausrotten] ideas with the sword? Can a worldview be attacked by means of force?

[…] I came to the following fundamental conclusion: Ideas and philosophical systems, as well as movements grounded on a definite spiritual foundation, whether true or not, can never be broken by the use of force after a certain stage, except on one condition: namely, that this use of force is in the service of a new creative idea or worldview.

The application of force alone, without moral support based on a spiritual concept, can never bring about the destruction of an idea [Vernichtung einer Idee] or halt its propagation—unless one is willing to ruthlessly root out (Ausrottung) its last remaining defenders, and also to destroy any remaining tradition. […]

But experience has shown that […] every persecution that is unsupported by spiritual motives is morally unjust; it raises opposition among the best elements of the population—to the point that they are driven to champion the very ideas that are unjustly persecuted.


[…] Every worldview, whether religious or political—and it’s sometimes hard to differentiate the two—fights not so much for the negative destruction of the opposing world of ideas as for the positive realization of its own ideas.

Inversely, it’s difficult to say when the negative aim of the destruction of a hostile doctrine is achieved. For this reason alone, an aggressive worldview is more powerful and decisive in action than one that takes up a merely defensive attitude. If force is used to combat a spiritual power, that force remains a defensive measure, as long as its advocates aren’t the standard-bearers and apostles of a new spiritual doctrine.

To sum up, we can establish the following: That every attempt to combat a worldview by means of force will turn out futile in the end, if the struggle fails to take the form of an offensive for the establishment of an entirely new spiritual attitude.

This is why the fight against Marxism failed.


The more I examined the need for a change in the government’s attitude towards Social Democracy as the embodiment of contemporary Marxism, the more I realized the lack of a practical substitute for this doctrine. Supposing Social Democracy were overthrown, what would be offered to the masses instead? There wasn’t one movement in existence that promised any success in attracting large numbers of workers who are presently leaderless. It is nonsensical to imagine that the international fanatic who has just severed his connection with a class party would henceforth join a bourgeois party—or in other words, another class organization.

Generally speaking, one should guard against considering the masses as stupider than they really are. In political matters, it often happens that feeling is a better judge than intellect. But the idea that this stupid international attitude of the masses is sufficient proof of their unsoundness is refuted by the simple fact that pacifist democracy is no less insane, even though it draws its supporters almost exclusively from bourgeois circles. As long as millions of citizens daily swallow what the Jewish democratic press tells them, they are in no position to joke about the stupidity of the ‘comrades’—who, in the end swallow the same garbage, though in a different form. In both cases, the maker is one and the same Jew.


In 1914, a fight against Social Democracy was indeed quite conceivable. But the lack of any practical substitute made it doubtful how long the fight could be kept up.

In this respect, there was a gaping void.

Long before the war, I was of the same opinion. This was why I couldn’t decide to join any of the existing parties. During the course of the World War, my conviction was still further confirmed by the obvious impossibility of fighting Social Democracy in anything like a thorough way. This would have required a movement that was something more than a mere ‘parliamentary’ party.

I frequently discussed this with my intimate comrades. And it was then that I first thought of taking up political work later on. I often assured my friends that, after the war, I intended to become a speaker, in addition to my professional work.


Published in: on June 8, 2018 at 1:07 am  Leave a Comment  

Adolf Hitler on ‘The World War’ part 2


In the following two selections from Chapter 5, Hitler points out how the defeatist elements in German society sought to undermine the war effort. These Jewish Marxist elements, because they were not stamped out, were able to bring about the post-war communist revolutions in Bavaria and elsewhere, and also World War II.


I was a soldier then, and didn’t really want to meddle in politics—all the more so because the time was inopportune. I still believe that the humblest stable-boy of those days served his country better than the best of, let’s say, our ‘parliamentarians.’ My hatred for those big-mouths was never greater than in the days when all decent men who had anything to say, said it point-blank to the enemy’s face, or else, failing this, kept their mouths shut and did their duty elsewhere. Yes, I hated all those politicians,. And if I had my say, I would have formed them into a labor battalion and given them the opportunity to babble amongst themselves all they liked, without offense or harm to decent people.

In those days, I cared nothing for politics. But I couldn’t help forming an opinion on certain manifestations that affected not only the whole nation but also us soldiers in particular.

There were two things that caused me the greatest anxiety at that time, and which I had come to regard as harmful.

First: Shortly after our first series of victories, a certain section of the press already began to throw cold water, drip by drip, on public enthusiasm. At first this wasn’t obvious. It was done under the mask of good intentions and solicitude. The public was told that big victory celebrations were somewhat out of place, and weren’t worthy expressions of the spirit of a great nation. The fortitude and valor of German soldiers were accepted facts that didn’t necessarily call for celebration. Furthermore, foreign opinion would have much to say about such activities. It would react better to a quiet and sober form of celebration rather than to a bunch of wild jubilation. Surely the time had come for us Germans to remember that this war was not our doing, and thus that we should always be willing to contribure our share to a reconciliation of mankind. For this reason, it wouldn’t be wise to besmirch the radiant deeds of our army with unbecoming jubilation; the rest of the world would never understand this. Furthermore, nothing is more appreciated than the modesty with which a true hero quietly and unassumingly carries on—and willingly forgets the past. Such was the gist of their warning.

Instead of taking these fellows by their long ears, dragging them to some ditch, and stringing them up on a rope—so that the victorious enthusiasms of the nation would no longer offend the aesthetic sensibilities of these knights of the pen—a general campaign was conducted against what was called “unseemly” forms of celebration.

No one seemed to have the faintest idea that once public enthusiasm is damped, nothing can spark it again, when the need arises. It’s an intoxication, and must be maintained in that form. Without the power of the enthusiastic spirit, how would it be possible to endure a struggle that made such immense demands on the spiritual qualities of the nation?

I was only too well acquainted with the psychology of the broad masses not to know that, in such cases, a high aesthetic tone cannot fan the fire enough to keep the iron hot. In my eyes, it was even a mistake not to have tried to raise the pitch of public enthusiasm higher still. Therefore, I couldn’t at all understand why they adopted the opposite policy—that is, of damping the public spirit.


The second thing that irritated me was the manner in which Marxism was regarded and accepted. In my eyes, all this proved how little they knew about this plague. It was believed, in all seriousness, that the abolition of party distinctions during the war made Marxism a mild and moderate thing.

But this was no question of party. It was a matter of a doctrine that must lead to the destruction of all humanity. The intention of this doctrine was misunderstood because nothing was said about it in our Jew-ridden universities, and because our arrogant bureaucratic officials didn’t think it worthwhile to study a subject that wasn’t included in the university curriculum. This mighty revolutionary trend was going right in front of them, but those ‘intellectuals’ didn’t pay any attention. That’s why state institutions nearly always lag behind private enterprises. It is to such people, by God, that the maxim applies: ‘What the peasant doesn’t know, won’t bother him.” Here, too, a few exceptions only confirm the rule.

In August of 1914, the German worker was looked upon as a Marxist. That was absurd. When those fateful hours dawned, the German worker shook off the poisonous clutches of that plague; otherwise he wouldn’t have been so ready and willing to fight. People were stupid enough to imagine that Marxism had now become ‘national’—another demonstration of the fact that the authorities never took the trouble to study the essence of Marxist teaching. If they had done so, they never would have made such foolish errors.

Marxism—whose final objective was, is, and will continue to be the destruction of all non-Jewish national states—saw in those days of July 1914 how the German working classes were aroused by a national spirit, and rapidly entered the service of the Fatherland. Within a few days, the deceptive smoke-screen of that infamous national betrayal vanished into thin air, and the gang of Jewish bosses suddenly found themselves alone and deserted. It was as if no vestige remained of the folly and madness that was foisted upon the mass of the German people for 60 years. That was a bad day for the betrayers of the German working class. The moment, however, that the leaders recognized the danger that threatened them, they pulled the magic cap of deceit over their ears, and insolently mimicked the national awakening.

The time had come for taking action against these Jewish poisoners of the people. That was the time to deal with them, regardless of any whining or protestation. At one stroke, in August of 1914, all the empty nonsense about international solidarity was knocked out of the heads of the German working classes. A few weeks later, instead of this stupid talk ringing in their ears, they heard the noise of American-made shrapnel bursting over the heads of the marching columns; there was your ‘international brotherhood.’ Now that the German worker had rediscovered the road to nationhood, it should have been the duty of any caring government to mercilessly root out the agitators who were misleading the nation.

(… die Verhetzer dieses Volkstums unbarmherzig auszurotten.)  In this case, a form of the verb  ‘ausrotten’ is used for ‘root out.’  While in the next paragraph, ‘vertilgen’ is used as ‘exterminate.’ Vertilgen was never used by Hitler, Himmler or Goebbels in speaking about the Jews that I know of.

If the best were dying at the front, the least we could do is to exterminatethe vermin. (… dann konnte man zu Hause wenigstens das Ungeziefervertilgen.) 

Instead, His Majesty the Kaiser held out his hand to these old criminals, thus sparing these treacherous murderers of the nation and allowing them to regain their composure.

-This is the mistake we still make today, even worse than ever, ‘we’ including even White Nationalists who cower at being called names or considered as too ‘exclusive’ (ie supremacist). By not tackling the problem at the time, not believing its virulence, it is now even more deeply rooted in our societies, harder than ever to eradicate.

And so the viper could begin his work again—this time, more carefully than before, but even more destructively. While honest people dreamt of reconciliation, these perjured criminals were organizing a revolution.


Published in: on June 6, 2018 at 7:58 am  Leave a Comment  

6 Juni 1944

The Beast of Omaha Beach: Heirich Severloh


Heirich Severloh took 40 years to begin to process what happened to him on Omaha Beach. He had taken up a concealed position on the eastern side of the beach along with 30 other German soldiers, and he recalls watching the horizon turn black with dozens of ships and landing craft racing for the shore. His commanding officer, Lt. Bernhard Frerking, had told him not to open fire until the enemy reached knee-deep level, where he could get a full view.
“What came to mind was, ‘Dear God, why have you abandoned me?’ ” he recalled. “I wasn’t afraid. My only thought was, ‘How can I get away from here?’ ”
But rather than run, Severloh slipped the first belt of ammunition into his MG-42 machine gun and opened fire. He could see men spinning, bleeding and crashing into the surf, while others ripped off their heavy packs, threw away their carbines and raced for the shore. But there was little shelter there. Severloh said he would occasionally put down the machine gun and use his carbine to pick off individual men huddled on the beach. He is still haunted by a soldier who was loading his rifle when Severloh took aim at his chest. The bullet went high and hit the man in the forehead.
“The helmet fell and rolled over in the sand,” Severloh said. “Every time I close my eyes, I can see it.”

“There were small pauses, when no landing craft came, when I could cool
down the machine gun.” His weapon became so hot it burned the grass around him. But they still came on, wave after wave disgorged from the landing craft that made it

“I remember the first to die” said 80 year old Mr Severloh at his home
near Hanover. “The man came out of the sea. He was looking for somewhere
to hide. I shot him in the head. I saw his steel helmet roll into the sea. Then he
dropped. I knew he was dead. What could I do? Them or me- that’s what I


Rommel ” the enemy has to be stopped on the beach… if not …the war’s over

For the next nine hours in machine gun nest 62, Corporal Severloh sprayed
the beach with his MG-42. His position 75ft above the broad sands gave him
a perfect field of vision and fire.

Corporal Severloh had 12,000 rounds for his machine gun.
“I started shooting at 5am,” he said. “I was still shooting nearly nine
hours later. There was no panic, no hate. One did what one had to do and knew that they
as sure as hell would be doing it to you if they got the chance”

“At first the corpses were 500 metres away, then 400, then 150. There was
blood everywhere, screams, dead and dying. The swell of the sea bobbed
more bodies onto the beach.”

Severloh said he was the last man firing from his position. By mid-afternoon, his right shoulder was swollen and his slender fingers were numb from constant firing.

“In the early afternoon, I realised I was the last person still firing. I
could see tanks manouvering on the beach and knew that I couldn’t hold
them alone.”

“I heard an order to shouted by Lieutenant Ferking-a fine fellow and, at
32, a veteran-that we should retreat.”

“I ran from bomb crater to bomb crater behind our bunker complex. I waited
but he never came.”

“I visited his grave in Normandy ten years after the war. He took a head
shot from one of the Americans as he tried to follow me. I was taken
prisoner that night. I don’t think I would have survived had I been
captured at my post.”

“They knew what I had done to their friends. I don’t think those
first-wave troops would have shown me any mercy.”

Some 2,300 Americans died on ‘Bloody Omaha’ before overwhelming the German

Mr Severloh was sent as a PoW to America and put to work picking cotton
and potatoes before returning to Germany in 1947 to resume his pre-war
life in farming.

Through his many visits back to Normandy he became friends with visiting
American veterans, and realised they has christened him The Beast of Omaha
Beach. One veteran, David Silva, who took three bullets in the chest that
day-possibly fired by Severloh-became his close friend.

“I told David how I had dreams about two men that day-the first American I
killed and Lieutenant Ferking,” he said. “The memories make me cry.”




Published in: on June 6, 2018 at 7:47 am  Leave a Comment  

Ukraine Opens Criminal Probe Against 94-year-old Jewish WWII hero

In an unprecedented move, Ukrainian authorities are opening a criminal investigation into 94-year-old Jewish WWII hero, Col. Boris Steckler, who is accused of having killed a German collaborator.

Col. Boris Steckler was warned that he is expected to stand trial for killing a Ukrainian nationalist in 1952.


Col. Boris Steckler

Col. Boris Steckler

Steckler was a senior officer in the Soviet Army and after the war was appointed as an officer in the KGB and was responsible for capturing Germans and collaborators in western Ukraine.

During a battle in the Rivne Oblast in western Ukraine, Steckler was involved in a confrontation with nationalists who cooperated with the Germans. During the confrontation, a man by the name of Neil Hasiewicz, who was a  district judge during the war, was shot and killed.

Local nationalist groups recently filed a complaint against Steckler, accusing him of responsibility for the assassination of Hasiewicz—a fact that Steckler does not deny.

Sketch of Neil Hasiewicz

Sketch of Neil Hasiewicz






Published in: on June 5, 2018 at 10:12 am  Leave a Comment  

Adolf Hitler on ‘The World War’


We now move on to Chapter 5: The World War. Hitler had been living and working in Munich for two and a half years when the war came. He tells how the situation appeared to him and how that led him to enlist at the first opportunity. His  of multiculturalism continues to be part of his thinking.


The moment the news of the assassination [of Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie -cy] reached Munich, two thoughts came into my mind. First, that war was absolutely inevitable, and second, that the Habsburg State would now be forced to honor its alliance. What I had most feared was that one day Germany itself, perhaps as a result of the alliance, would become involved in a conflict not directly caused by Austria. In this case, Austria might not be able to muster the will to fight on behalf of its ally. The Slavic majority in the empire would have immediately begun to undermine any such intentions, and would have always preferred to shatter the entire state rather than to aid its ally. But now this danger was removed. The old state was compelled to fight, whether it wished to or not.

My own attitude towards the conflict was equally simple and clear. I believed that it wasn’t a case of Austria fighting to get satisfaction from Serbia, but rather a case of Germany fighting for her own existence—for the life or death of the German nation, for its freedom and for its future. Bismarck’s work must now be carried on. Young Germany must show itself worthy of the blood shed by our fathers on so many heroic battlefields from Weissenburg to Sedan and Paris. And if this struggle should bring us victory, our people will again rank foremost among the great nations. Only then could the German Reich assert itself as the mighty champion of peace, without needing to restrict the daily bread of its children for the sake of maintaining the peace.


I left Austria principally for political reasons. Even more rational, however, was that, now that the war had begun, that I should put into practice the logical consequences of my political opinions! I had no desire to fight for the Habsburg cause, but I was prepared to die at any time for my own people and the Reich to which they belonged.



After four days in the trenches, we came back. Even our step had changed. Boys of 17 now looked like men.

The volunteers of the List Regiment may not have learned how to fight properly, but they knew how to die like old soldiers.

That was the beginning.

And thus we carried on from year to year. A feeling of horror replaced the romantic fighting spirit. Enthusiasm gradually cooled down, and exuberant spirits were quelled by the fear of ever-present death. A time came for each of us to experience the conflict between the urge to self-preservation and the call of duty. I, too, had to go through that conflict. As death unrelentingly sought its prey everywhere, a vague something rebelled within the body. It tried to pass as common sense; but in reality, it was fear. Fear took on this cloak in order to impose itself on the individual. Yet the more this voice called for caution, and the louder and more persistent its demands, the stronger our resistance became. Finally, the internal struggle was over, and the call of duty was triumphant. By the winter of 1915-1916, I had come through that inner struggle. My will had asserted its indisputable mastery.

In the early days, I went into the fight with a cheer and a laugh. Now, however, I was calm and resolute. And that frame of mind endured. Fate could now put me to the final test without my nerves or reason giving way.

The young volunteer had become an old soldier

This same transformation took place throughout the whole army. Constant fighting had aged, toughened, and hardened it, so that it stood firm and dauntless against every assault.

Only now is it possible to judge that army. After two or three years of continuous fighting and having been thrown into one battle after another, bravely facing superior numbers and superior armament, suffering hunger and privation, the time had come when one could assess the value of that singular fighting force.

For a thousand years to come, no one will dare to speak of heroism without recalling the German Army of the World War. And then, from the dim past, there will emerge an immortal vision of those solid ranks of steel helmets that never flinched and never faltered. As long as Germans live, they will be proud to remember that these men were the sons of their people.


‘The World War’ to be continued

Published in: on June 5, 2018 at 9:37 am  Leave a Comment  

28 May

Young members of the National Socialist Party electioneering in the Free City of Danzig in the 1930s (b/w photo)

1933, In an election in Danzig, NSDAP members won 50% of total votes.


1935, The first flight of Willy Messerschmitt’s Bf 109 fighter took place. Powered by a 695 horsepower Rolls Royce Kestrel engine, the Bf 109 fighter was the first all-metal stressed-skin monocoque single seat fighter monoplane with an enclosed cockpit and retractable undercarriage to enter service. The Bf 109 fighter proved so successful that over 30,000 would ultimately be built before the end of the war.

British-war-cabinet-1939-40-churchill-chamberlain (1).jpg

1937, Neville Chamberlain became the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and appointed the unpopular Jewish Liberal Leslie Hore-Belisha as Secretary of State for War(standing right of Churchill)


1940, King Leopold III of Belgium officially surrendered unconditionally to Germany.

kharkov (1)


1942, Semyon Timoshenko ordered all offensives in the Kharkov, Ukraine region to cease, thus effectively conceding the Second Battle of Kharkov and granting victory to the Germans . When all actions were wrapped up, the Germans would count over 200,000 prisoners of war, 1,200 tanks, and 2,000 artillery pieces captured.


Published in: on May 28, 2018 at 2:57 pm  Leave a Comment  

27 May 1940




German tanks and aircraft maintained pressure on the Allies in France, pushing them back four miles toward the coast and placing Dunkirk within artillery range; meanwhile, the first 7,669 British troops were evacuated from Dunkirk.


German submarine U-37 sank British ship Sheaf Mead 150 miles west of Cape Finisterre, Spain.


Erwin Rommel was awarded the Knight Cross medal.

Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-L09694,_Werner_Mölders (1)


Werner Mölders claimed his 19th and 20th victories southwest of Amiens, France; the victims were both P-36 fighters.

Published in: on May 28, 2018 at 4:14 am  Leave a Comment  

Elysium: Leadership Vacuum Crisis

Sword of Elysium

The 2013 film Elysium offers an interesting look at a possible future of unrestrained technological development, class division and mistrust, which all stem from the relentless profiteering that capitalism is prone to. Nevertheless, the film offers a rather naive or, at best, an incompletely shown, solution within its runtime. Being a product of the politically correct movie industry, Elysium itself can also be seen as part of that same limited & deficient solution that it itself offers. Looking past these barriers we can begin to construct a more complete vision of that doesn’t merely flip the class struggle from rich-advantage to poor-advantage, rather we can build a more inclusive view of society that values all productive citizens regardless of monetary status.

Forced Dichotomy
The world of Elysium is bleak for most and an apparent paradise for some. Most people are stuck on Earth living in overflowing slums or urban wastes…

View original post 3,964 more words

Published in: on May 28, 2018 at 3:30 am  Comments (4)  

Adolf Hitler on ‘The Moment of Decay’


In the following section, Hitler asserts that Germany bumbled into war in 1914 because it was weakened from being “eaten from within” by the spread of the Jewish Marxist Doctrine. We can recognize this as exactly what we have still been going though in both Europe and North America. It is an age-old problem. Considering Hitler’s reference to Rome , it is what we’ve always been dealing with.


The belief that prevailed in Germany before the war—that the world could be opened up and even conquered for Germany through a system of peaceful commerce and a colonial policy—was a typical symptom that indicated the decline of those real qualities whereby states are created and preserved. [See my previous installment ‘State and Economy.’] It also showed the decline of the insight, will power, and practical determination that belong to those qualities. The penalty for this, like a law of nature, was the World War, with its attendant consequences.

To anyone who hadn’t thought deeply about the matter, this general attitude of the German people must have seemed an insoluble enigma. After all, Germany itself was a magnificent example of an empire that had been built up purely through a policy of power. Prussia, which was the generative cell of the German Reich, was created by brilliant heroic deeds, and not by financial or commercial operations. And the Reich itself was but the magnificent compensation for a leadership that conducted a policy of power and military valor.

How then did it happen that the political instincts of this very same German people became so degenerate? It wasn’t merely one isolated phenomenon that pointed to this decadence, but morbid symptoms which appeared in alarming numbers all over the body politic, eating in the nation like a gangrenous ulcer. It seemed as if some all-pervading poisonous fluid had been injected, by some mysterious hand, into the bloodstream of this once heroic body—bringing about a creeping paralysis that affected rationality and the basic instinct of self-preservation.

During the years 1912-1914, I wondered endlessly about those problems that related to the policy of the Triple Alliance and the economic policy then being pursued by the German Reich. Once again, I came to the conclusion that the only explanation for this enigma lay in the operation of that force that I had already become acquainted with in Vienna, though from a different angle of vision: the Marxist doctrine and worldview, and its organized action throughout the nation.

Germany’s attitude toward Marxism (p 309)

For the second time in my life, I plunged deep into the study of that destructive teaching. […] I compared the theoretical principles of Marxism with the phenomena and events brought about by its activities in political, cultural and economic life.

For the first time in my life, I now turned my attention to the effects that were being made to subdue this world plague.

I studied Bismarck’s exceptional legislation in its original concept, its operation and its results. Gradually I formed a basis for my own opinions, one that has proved as solid as a rock. I have never since had to change my attitude toward the general problem. I also made a further and more thorough analysis of the relationship between Marxism and Jewry.

Earlier [when living] in Vienna, I looked upon Germany as an imperturbable colossus. But even then serious doubts and misgivings often disturbed me. In my own mind, and in any conversation with my small circle of acquaintances, I criticized Germany’s foreign policy and the incredibly superficial way in which it dealt with Marxism—though it was then the most important problem in Germany. I couldn’t understand how they could stumble blindfolded into the midst of this peril, the effects of which would be momentous, if Marxism’s openly declared aims were put into practice. Even then I warned people around me, just as I am warning a wider audience now, against that soothing but cowardly slogan: ‘Nothing can happen to us!’ A similar mental contagion had already destroyed a mighty empire*. Could Germany hope to escape the operation of those laws that bind all other human communities? [I can’t say for sure but I think the ‘mighty empire’ is Rome, which was brought down by the introduction of foreign people and concepts, while they cherished a sense of invincibility.]

In the years 1913 and 1914, I expressed my opinion for the first time in various circles—now including some members of [today’s] National Socialist movement—that the question of securing the future of the German nation is the same as the question of destroying Marxism.

I considered the disastrous policy of the Triple Alliance as one of the consequences resulting from the disintegrating effects of Marxist teaching. The truly alarming feature was that this teaching was invisibly corrupting the foundations of a healthy political and economic outlook. Those who became contaminated by it frequently didn’t realize that their aims and actions sprang from this worldview, which they otherwise openly rejected.

The spiritual and moral decline of the German people had long since begun. And yet, those who were affected by the morbid decadence were frequently unaware—as often happens—of the forces that were destroying their very existence. Sometimes they tried to cure the disease by treating the symptoms, which were taken as the cause. But since no one recognized, or wanted to recognize, the real cause of the disease, this way of combating Marxism was as ineffective as bungling quackery.

Published in: on May 23, 2018 at 7:36 am  Leave a Comment